BACK DOOR TALKS BETWEEN TURKEY, ARMENIA CONTINUE
Hurriye
Sept 17 2008
Turkey
The behind the scenes diplomacy between Ankara and Yerevan, which set
the ground for President Abdullah Gul's landmark visit to Armenia,
continues this week in Switzerland with its third round between the
two countries' top diplomats, the Turkish Daily News (TDN) reported
on Wednesday.
Diplomats will try to finalize a draft for the common declaration of
good will in the wake of a tripartite summit between Turkey, Armenia
and Azerbaijan to take place in New York at the end of September,
the report said.
Undersecretary of the foreign ministry, Ertugrul Apakan, and his
deputy, Unal Cevikoz, headed for Switzerland on Sunday to meet their
counterparts in Bern, which already hosted two rounds of talks in
May and July, it added.
The positive atmosphere flourished after the first-ever meeting of
Gul and his Armenian counterpart Serzh Sargsyan on the margins of the
football match on Sept. 6 which paved the way for a more comprehensive
discussion on substantial issues.
Diplomats will try to reach a compromise on a common language for
reflection upon the developments fortified with Gul's visit and the
football match between the two national teams.
Turkey is among the first countries that recognized Armenia when it
declared its independency in the early 1990s. However there is no
diplomatic relations between two countries, as Armenia presses the
international community to admit the so-called "genocide" claims
instead of accepting Turkey's call to investigate the allegations,
and its invasion of 20 percent of Azerbaijani territory despite
U.N. Security Council resolutions on the issue.
Armenia, with the backing of the diaspora, claims up to 1.5 million
of their kin were slaughtered in orchestrated killings in 1915. Turkey
rejects the claims, saying that 300,000 Armenians along with at least
as many Turks died in civil strife that emerged when Armenians took
up arms for independence in eastern Anatolia.
In 2005, Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan took a first step
towards resolving the issue by proposing that a joint commission of
historians launch an investigation and publish their conclusions,
but the proposal was rejected by Yerevan.
DECLARATION TO BE ANNOUNCED IN NEW YORK
The declaration is to be announced at the meeting of Foreign Minister
Ali Babacan and his Armenian counterpart, Edward Nalbandian, which
is expected to the take place during the U.N General Assembly in New
York being held Sept.23 to Oct.1.
Diplomatic sources told the TDN Armenia now moves closer to giving a
green light for a joint committee of historians to study the events
of 1915, a long-standing Turkish proposal categorically rejected by
the former Armenian President Robert Kocharian.
Considering the need to establish a mechanism for verification of
documents in archives, together with choosing the members, preparations
are expected to take at least one year which gives Turkey time on
international platforms.
Participation of experts from third-party countries and a
representative from an international institution are also under
discussion.
"Official announcement for the establishment of a committee would
ease Turkey's position, culminating in alleged genocide resolutions
in many countries," a senior Turkish official told the TDN, referring
to initiatives in countries including the U.S., Canada, France and
Argentina.
Combined efforts are underway for setting up other committees to
work on economic and cultural affairs to accelerate the normalization
of relations.
Armenian expectations for the opening of the sealed border between
the two countries loomed large especially after the outbreak of crisis
in Georgia, which has been the major gateway for Western markets from
Armenia. However, Ankara waits for simultaneous steps on other fronts
in order to further proceed with the opening of the border.
Zaman, Turkey
Sept 12 2008
We Need Armenia
Column by Etyen Mahcupyan
We are passing through an era when the nation-states are losing the
capability to solve their problems with traditional policies. Use of
force, provocation for conflict and unilateral gain models are no
longer valid.
The biggest reason for this is that the universal norms embodied in
human rights have created a new concept of legitimacy. In other words,
the foreign policy moves that do not comply with today's concept of
legitimacy will backfire even if they are made by powerful states.
This inevitably forces nation-states to assume a fair approach based
on common interests in order to expand their influence.
Abdullah Gul's visit to Armenia represents Turkey's attempt to adapt
to this new atmosphere. It is not surprising for the Justice and
Development Party (AK Party) to assert itself in foreign policy after
being trapped in domestic politics. Indeed, the foreign policy moves
concerning the issues that involve Syria and Iran were peaceful
attempts to ensure common peace and stability.
Yet, we should not forget that behind these moves are the dreams of
Turkey's conservatives for recreating the Ottoman experience. For this
group, the Ottoman world's most brilliant manifestation today is the
Pax Ottomana. Today, the AK Party management's desire to become a
world player once again, or at least a major political player in our
region, is obvious.
Coupled with the new concept of legitimacy, this longing for becoming
a "big country" has redefined Turkey, at least in its own eyes, as a
"problem solver." It was a golden opportunity for the reproduction of
the Ottoman legacy as Turkey realized that it does have a good chance
in a power-based crisis among nation-states to take a leading
role. Now, Turkey not only has the chance to wave the flag of peace,
but is also surrounded by a number of small countries refraining from
conciliation.
This approach also works well with two important strategies. One is a
foreign policy rule that Turkey has recently learned. According to
this rule, the more you deviate from the requests of your powerful
allies without disrupting their strategies, the more profitable this
will prove. In doing so, your relative importance increases, and at
the same time, you widen the political sphere in which you operate. If
your allies make moves showing that they have failed to adapt to the
new global concept, it will be easier and more productive for you to
talk about peace, flexibility and dialogue.
The second strategy was simply the result of a perception of
threat. Turkey is NATO's terminal point against Russia, and one of the
main targets of our foreign policy is not to cause deterioration in
our relations with this country on which we are vitally dependent with
regards to energy.
When we bring the pieces of the puzzle together, we see that it is
possible for Turkey to become a powerful player in its own region, and
it can do this by following the models that stress cooperation, though
this may be against the wishes and interests of the West. Indeed, this
is the very strategy Turkey is currently implementing: to seek
multidimensional partnership that includes Turkey in the Caucasus and
the Middle East and to make Turkey an indispensable regional player
again.
Yet, the sine qua non for this dream is that Turkey should be able to
have and maintain individual relations with every country in the
region based on trust. At this point, there is only one weakness for
Turkey, as everyone knows: Armenia. Keeping its border gates closed
and refusing to establish diplomatic relations with Armenia not only
makes Turkey weak in its region, but also adds to the Western
perception of Turkey as a country that is incapable of having good
relations with its neighbours. For this reason, we could say the AK
Party government has long been seeking to launch a new dialogue
initiative with Armenia, and, as a blessing from fate, the football
match has been seized by the government as a golden opportunity.
Indeed, from the first day, it was obvious that Gul was eager to
accept Sargsyan's invitation, and his close circles did not hide his
intention. The South Ossetia and Abkhazia crisis in Georgia has proved
once again that Turkey's strategy was quite correct. This is because
this crisis, in addition to creating a confrontation between Turkey
and Russia, might force us to act as a "small country" for a long time
if the crisis grows bigger. The Caucasus Cooperation and Stability
Platform is a move made to remove this negative possibility, but will
also be meaningful in the long term. Its success depends on a quick
improvement of relations with Armenia.
The current conjuncture has brought new opportunities for Turkey in a
spectrum ranging from changing mentalities to threat perceptions. Yet
Armenia should not serve as a black hole in this spectrum. It is for
this reason the president eagerly accepted the invitation and the
possibility of normalization finally emerged.
Sept 12 2008
We Need Armenia
Column by Etyen Mahcupyan
We are passing through an era when the nation-states are losing the
capability to solve their problems with traditional policies. Use of
force, provocation for conflict and unilateral gain models are no
longer valid.
The biggest reason for this is that the universal norms embodied in
human rights have created a new concept of legitimacy. In other words,
the foreign policy moves that do not comply with today's concept of
legitimacy will backfire even if they are made by powerful states.
This inevitably forces nation-states to assume a fair approach based
on common interests in order to expand their influence.
Abdullah Gul's visit to Armenia represents Turkey's attempt to adapt
to this new atmosphere. It is not surprising for the Justice and
Development Party (AK Party) to assert itself in foreign policy after
being trapped in domestic politics. Indeed, the foreign policy moves
concerning the issues that involve Syria and Iran were peaceful
attempts to ensure common peace and stability.
Yet, we should not forget that behind these moves are the dreams of
Turkey's conservatives for recreating the Ottoman experience. For this
group, the Ottoman world's most brilliant manifestation today is the
Pax Ottomana. Today, the AK Party management's desire to become a
world player once again, or at least a major political player in our
region, is obvious.
Coupled with the new concept of legitimacy, this longing for becoming
a "big country" has redefined Turkey, at least in its own eyes, as a
"problem solver." It was a golden opportunity for the reproduction of
the Ottoman legacy as Turkey realized that it does have a good chance
in a power-based crisis among nation-states to take a leading
role. Now, Turkey not only has the chance to wave the flag of peace,
but is also surrounded by a number of small countries refraining from
conciliation.
This approach also works well with two important strategies. One is a
foreign policy rule that Turkey has recently learned. According to
this rule, the more you deviate from the requests of your powerful
allies without disrupting their strategies, the more profitable this
will prove. In doing so, your relative importance increases, and at
the same time, you widen the political sphere in which you operate. If
your allies make moves showing that they have failed to adapt to the
new global concept, it will be easier and more productive for you to
talk about peace, flexibility and dialogue.
The second strategy was simply the result of a perception of
threat. Turkey is NATO's terminal point against Russia, and one of the
main targets of our foreign policy is not to cause deterioration in
our relations with this country on which we are vitally dependent with
regards to energy.
When we bring the pieces of the puzzle together, we see that it is
possible for Turkey to become a powerful player in its own region, and
it can do this by following the models that stress cooperation, though
this may be against the wishes and interests of the West. Indeed, this
is the very strategy Turkey is currently implementing: to seek
multidimensional partnership that includes Turkey in the Caucasus and
the Middle East and to make Turkey an indispensable regional player
again.
Yet, the sine qua non for this dream is that Turkey should be able to
have and maintain individual relations with every country in the
region based on trust. At this point, there is only one weakness for
Turkey, as everyone knows: Armenia. Keeping its border gates closed
and refusing to establish diplomatic relations with Armenia not only
makes Turkey weak in its region, but also adds to the Western
perception of Turkey as a country that is incapable of having good
relations with its neighbours. For this reason, we could say the AK
Party government has long been seeking to launch a new dialogue
initiative with Armenia, and, as a blessing from fate, the football
match has been seized by the government as a golden opportunity.
Indeed, from the first day, it was obvious that Gul was eager to
accept Sargsyan's invitation, and his close circles did not hide his
intention. The South Ossetia and Abkhazia crisis in Georgia has proved
once again that Turkey's strategy was quite correct. This is because
this crisis, in addition to creating a confrontation between Turkey
and Russia, might force us to act as a "small country" for a long time
if the crisis grows bigger. The Caucasus Cooperation and Stability
Platform is a move made to remove this negative possibility, but will
also be meaningful in the long term. Its success depends on a quick
improvement of relations with Armenia.
The current conjuncture has brought new opportunities for Turkey in a
spectrum ranging from changing mentalities to threat perceptions. Yet
Armenia should not serve as a black hole in this spectrum. It is for
this reason the president eagerly accepted the invitation and the
possibility of normalization finally emerged.
REVIVING THE ARMENIAN HERITAGE
Barcin Yinanc
Turkish Daily News
Sept 17 2008
Minutes to the football game between Turkey and Armenia. A Turkish
sport commentator of Armenian descent is being interviewed by a
Turkish TV channel. When asked to evaluate the possible performance
of the Armenian team, he said, "I am a Turkish citizen. I only know
the Turkish national team."
Obviously he is concerned that talking about the Armenian national
team would cause his loyalty to Turkey to be questioned.
Having seen the fate of journalist Hrant Dink, we should hardly be
surprised about this over-sensitivity.
Having a low-profile presence is not a reflex limited to the members
of the Armenian community. Even the Jews of Turkey, whose loyalty
to Turkey is rarely questioned, are careful not to be too vocal in
Turkish society.
The visit of Turkish President Abdullah Gul has been mostly evaluated
from the perspective of Turkey-Armenia relations. It is expected that
the visit will open the door to the process of normalization between
the two countries. The government, which will concentrate on breaking
the deadlock with Armenia on the diplomatic front, should also do
the same to solve some of the problems of the Armenian minority.
Unfortunately few in Turkey are aware of the significant contribution
of Armenians to Turkish social, cultural and economic life. We at the
Turkish Daily News are lucky to have Vercihan Ziflioglu, an Armenian
Turk, who reports often about the Armenian presence in Turkey. It is
thanks to her articles that I have become increasingly aware of the
immense Armenian contribution to our cultural richness.
Obviously we did not have to wait for the positive atmosphere created
by the football diplomacy to tackle the problems of the Armenian
community, especially those of the Armenian patriarch, as well as the
revival of the Armenian cultural legacy in Anatolia. The restoration
of the Armenian Church Akdamar near the eastern city of Van was the
first step in the right direction. Anatolian lands are full of similar
examples of Armenian architecture in ruins.
One of the reservations on reviving the Armenian cultural and social
legacy in Turkey is the fear of possible compensation demands from
Armenians who lost their property during the tragic events of the
1915. But these fears are baseless.
According to the Lausanne Treaty, any claims for restitution were
supposed to be lodged within 12 months from when the treaty came into
force. In Article 15 of the Kars Treaty signed in 1921, to which
Armenia was a signatory, contracting parties agreed to promulgate
immediately after the signing of the treaty a complete amnesty
to citizens of the other party for crimes and offenses committed
during the course of the war on the Caucasus front. Legal experts
claim that the provisions of both treaties set a legal block for any
compensation demands.
President Abdullah Gul had said his visit demolished psychological
barriers. I hope this visit will also demolish psychological barriers
in Turks' approach to the members of the Armenian community.
Turkish Daily News
Sept 17 2008
Minutes to the football game between Turkey and Armenia. A Turkish
sport commentator of Armenian descent is being interviewed by a
Turkish TV channel. When asked to evaluate the possible performance
of the Armenian team, he said, "I am a Turkish citizen. I only know
the Turkish national team."
Obviously he is concerned that talking about the Armenian national
team would cause his loyalty to Turkey to be questioned.
Having seen the fate of journalist Hrant Dink, we should hardly be
surprised about this over-sensitivity.
Having a low-profile presence is not a reflex limited to the members
of the Armenian community. Even the Jews of Turkey, whose loyalty
to Turkey is rarely questioned, are careful not to be too vocal in
Turkish society.
The visit of Turkish President Abdullah Gul has been mostly evaluated
from the perspective of Turkey-Armenia relations. It is expected that
the visit will open the door to the process of normalization between
the two countries. The government, which will concentrate on breaking
the deadlock with Armenia on the diplomatic front, should also do
the same to solve some of the problems of the Armenian minority.
Unfortunately few in Turkey are aware of the significant contribution
of Armenians to Turkish social, cultural and economic life. We at the
Turkish Daily News are lucky to have Vercihan Ziflioglu, an Armenian
Turk, who reports often about the Armenian presence in Turkey. It is
thanks to her articles that I have become increasingly aware of the
immense Armenian contribution to our cultural richness.
Obviously we did not have to wait for the positive atmosphere created
by the football diplomacy to tackle the problems of the Armenian
community, especially those of the Armenian patriarch, as well as the
revival of the Armenian cultural legacy in Anatolia. The restoration
of the Armenian Church Akdamar near the eastern city of Van was the
first step in the right direction. Anatolian lands are full of similar
examples of Armenian architecture in ruins.
One of the reservations on reviving the Armenian cultural and social
legacy in Turkey is the fear of possible compensation demands from
Armenians who lost their property during the tragic events of the
1915. But these fears are baseless.
According to the Lausanne Treaty, any claims for restitution were
supposed to be lodged within 12 months from when the treaty came into
force. In Article 15 of the Kars Treaty signed in 1921, to which
Armenia was a signatory, contracting parties agreed to promulgate
immediately after the signing of the treaty a complete amnesty
to citizens of the other party for crimes and offenses committed
during the course of the war on the Caucasus front. Legal experts
claim that the provisions of both treaties set a legal block for any
compensation demands.
President Abdullah Gul had said his visit demolished psychological
barriers. I hope this visit will also demolish psychological barriers
in Turks' approach to the members of the Armenian community.
ARMENIAN GENOCIDE DENIERS ON TRIAL
World Radio Switzerland
http://www.worldradio.ch/wrs/news/rundown/news-at-a-glance-2.shtml?11496
Sept 17 2008
Switzerland
Three Turkish nationals have gone on trial in the canton of Zurich
for denying that there was an Armenian genocide. The three made the
comments during a public demonstration in Winterthur in June last
year and repeated them yesterday in the courtroom. They say they are
sorry for the Armenians who died but argue that Turkey did not commit
genocide, saying this is an "international lie". The prosecutor has
asked for the accused to be fined up to CHF12,000 each. The defendants'
lawyer says his clients should go free because people can only be
punished for racially motivated statements denying genocide. He claims
his clients made the comments out of patriotism.
World Radio Switzerland
http://www.worldradio.ch/wrs/news/rundown/news-at-a-glance-2.shtml?11496
Sept 17 2008
Switzerland
Three Turkish nationals have gone on trial in the canton of Zurich
for denying that there was an Armenian genocide. The three made the
comments during a public demonstration in Winterthur in June last
year and repeated them yesterday in the courtroom. They say they are
sorry for the Armenians who died but argue that Turkey did not commit
genocide, saying this is an "international lie". The prosecutor has
asked for the accused to be fined up to CHF12,000 each. The defendants'
lawyer says his clients should go free because people can only be
punished for racially motivated statements denying genocide. He claims
his clients made the comments out of patriotism.
TURKEY: ARMENIA TIES COULD END GENOCIDE RESOLUTIONS
The Associated Press
September 10, 2008
ANKARA, Turkey: If Turkey and Armenia forge diplomatic ties and are
seen to have good relations, other countries could well stop passing
resolutions that accuse Ottoman Turks of genocide against their
Armenian population during World War I, Turkey's foreign minister
said Wednesday.
Foreign Minister Ali Babacan said in a television interview that after
the Turkish president's breakthrough visit to Armenia on Saturday,
the two countries had stepped up efforts to resolve their differences.
Historians estimate that up to 1.5 million Armenians were killed in
1915-18 in Ottoman Turkey in what is widely regarded as the first
genocide of the 20th Century. About 20 parliaments have passed
resolutions to this effect.
Turkey denies any genocide, saying the death toll has been inflated
and the dead were victims of civil war and unrest.
Turkey lobbies vigorously whenever a legislature handles a bill
that describes the mass killings as an act of genocide. Last year
President George W. Bush narrowly prevented the passage of a nonbinding
resolution to that effect in the U.S. Congress. He warned lawmakers
that it would imperil Turkey's logistic support for U.S. military
operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 in protest over its
support for Armenians fighting for the secession of Nagorno-Karabakh
from Azerbaijan, a Turkish ally. In addition, Armenian nationalists
claim the Mount Ararat region of Turkey as western Armenia. But the
most contested problem is the massacre of Armenians in the final
years of the Ottoman Empire.
Today in Europe NATO chief says Russia cannot block Georgia
membership. Russia slams NATO for "Cold War" visit Russian forces kill
10 militants in Dagestan "If we manage to make rapid progress in our
initiative to solve the problems," Babacan told the local channel NTV,
"then there will be no need for third country parliaments to discuss
these issues. We can tell them: 'Mind your own business. Armenia and
Turkey are getting along well.'"
He declined to say which problem the two governments would tackle
first, saying all the issues must be laid on the table.
Armenia "has a solution-focussed position," Babacan said. "There is
a political will on both sides for a solution."
He added he might take part in a tripartite meeting with the
Azerbaijani and Armenian foreign ministers on the sidelines of the
upcoming U.N. General Assembly in New York.
Turkey's closure of its border with landlocked Armenia is known to
have hurt the smaller country's economy. But Babacan said Turkey
and Armenia were still conducting trade worth US$500 million a year,
with the goods traveling through Georgia.
The Associated Press
September 10, 2008
ANKARA, Turkey: If Turkey and Armenia forge diplomatic ties and are
seen to have good relations, other countries could well stop passing
resolutions that accuse Ottoman Turks of genocide against their
Armenian population during World War I, Turkey's foreign minister
said Wednesday.
Foreign Minister Ali Babacan said in a television interview that after
the Turkish president's breakthrough visit to Armenia on Saturday,
the two countries had stepped up efforts to resolve their differences.
Historians estimate that up to 1.5 million Armenians were killed in
1915-18 in Ottoman Turkey in what is widely regarded as the first
genocide of the 20th Century. About 20 parliaments have passed
resolutions to this effect.
Turkey denies any genocide, saying the death toll has been inflated
and the dead were victims of civil war and unrest.
Turkey lobbies vigorously whenever a legislature handles a bill
that describes the mass killings as an act of genocide. Last year
President George W. Bush narrowly prevented the passage of a nonbinding
resolution to that effect in the U.S. Congress. He warned lawmakers
that it would imperil Turkey's logistic support for U.S. military
operations in Iraq and Afghanistan.
Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 in protest over its
support for Armenians fighting for the secession of Nagorno-Karabakh
from Azerbaijan, a Turkish ally. In addition, Armenian nationalists
claim the Mount Ararat region of Turkey as western Armenia. But the
most contested problem is the massacre of Armenians in the final
years of the Ottoman Empire.
Today in Europe NATO chief says Russia cannot block Georgia
membership. Russia slams NATO for "Cold War" visit Russian forces kill
10 militants in Dagestan "If we manage to make rapid progress in our
initiative to solve the problems," Babacan told the local channel NTV,
"then there will be no need for third country parliaments to discuss
these issues. We can tell them: 'Mind your own business. Armenia and
Turkey are getting along well.'"
He declined to say which problem the two governments would tackle
first, saying all the issues must be laid on the table.
Armenia "has a solution-focussed position," Babacan said. "There is
a political will on both sides for a solution."
He added he might take part in a tripartite meeting with the
Azerbaijani and Armenian foreign ministers on the sidelines of the
upcoming U.N. General Assembly in New York.
Turkey's closure of its border with landlocked Armenia is known to
have hurt the smaller country's economy. But Babacan said Turkey
and Armenia were still conducting trade worth US$500 million a year,
with the goods traveling through Georgia.
TURKISH CULTURE MINISTRY WISHES TO COOPERATE WITH ARMENIA IN RESTORATION OF THE RUINS OF ANI
armradio.am
17.09.2008 15:02
Turkish Culture Minister Ertugrul Gunay responds warmly to Armenian
Culture Minister Hasmik Bogosyan's call for greater cultural
cooperation. "We would like to establish friendly relations with
our neighbors," said Turkish Culture Minister Ertugrul Gunay in an
interview with Turkish Daily News, adding that Turkey was ready to
embark on more cultural cooperation with Armenia.
"President Abdullah Gul's visit to Yerevan was a significant
development in terms of Turkey-Armenia bilateral relations," said
Gunay. "At this point, steps Armenia will take are highly significant.
These steps will shape the cultural and political cooperation between
the two countries."
Gunay's warm response came shortly after Armenian Culture Minister
Hasmik Poghosyan called for more cultural cooperation between the two
countries in an exclusive interview with the Turkish Daily News last
week. "Let's start working collaboratively in the cultural realm to
help new generations overcome the trauma," she said.
Gunay said the Turkish Culture Ministry was ready to cooperate
with Armenia in the cultural realm if bilateral political relations
normalize.
"Hostility benefits no one. Our door is open to everyone. We
definitely wish to have cooperation with Armenia's Cultu re Ministry
in restoration of the ruins of Ani and unearthing the monastery on
Akdamar Island," said Gunay.
Turkish Daily News
Sept 15 2008
Wanted: Stories of Turks who saved their Armenian Neighbors
Monday, September 15, 2008
ZÄ°YA MERAL
The 20th century is full of things that we wish never happened, but
they happened and nothing can undo them. Even though both Plato and
Nietzsche urged us to start tabula rasa with a mighty and necessary
lie that will enable the youth to forget the past completely, we know
all too well that what is left in oblivion is always more present than
we would ever want it to be. Forgetting is not an option, if not
impossible, but mere remembering alone does not guarantee that things
will happen `never again.' The battle we need to fight is not only
against `too much forgetting' and `too much remembering,' both of
which destroy the present and any chance of a better future, but also
against how and what we remember.
`Righteous Gentiles':
I don't remember at what age I first came to learn about the
Holocaust, but I vividly remember what I felt when I read each page
Elie Wiesel, Primo Levi and Viktor Frankl wrote. As my academic
interests took me deeper into genocides and ethnic violence, my
realization that normal people like me had turned out to be mass
murderers has shaken my trust completely in my own and human beings'
goodness. However, it was also within the same darkness that I have
come to find hope in the deep and profound human potential to love and
sacrifice for the other.
Hanna Arendt recounted the story of a German soldier, Anton Schmid,
who disobeyed his orders and helped the rescue of 250 Jews till his
execution by the Nazis. In his last letter to his wife, Schmid told
her that he `merely behaved as a human being' when he risked his own
life. After sharing the effect of listening to the story of Schmid
during the Eichmann trial, Arendt noted; `How utterly different
everything would have been in Israel, in Germany, in all of Europe,
and perhaps in all countries of the world, if only more such stories
could have been told."
This is exactly what Holocaust memorials have tried to do. With the
Jewish concept of `Righteous Gentiles', Jews have found the moral
backbone to not only remember the destruction and brutality but also
the great courage and virtue that has been showed by non-Jews in
risking their own lives to save their Jewish neighbors. There is a
section dedicated to them in memorial sites, and Holocaust movies
almost always include helpful Gentile characters.
While remembering the human truth in all of its beauty and darkness
at the same time, the memory of the Holocaust has moved from being
exclusively a Jewish memory. It is now the memory of our old race, the
memory of the moment that humanity failed, not just Nazi Germany. It's
because it has shifted from being exclusively a memory of `perpetrator
Nazis' killing `Jews', both Jews and Germans and all of us can mourn
together for what has happened.
`Righteous Turks':
I similarly don't remember when I first came to hear about massacres
of Armenians, but I remember how I cried in the memorial in Yerevan
for hours for all that has happened. I still shiver with pain each
time I see pictures and hear stories of families scattered around the
world. However, as I continued to read and reflect on memorial
practices and sites, I have come to be increasingly worried that there
were hardly any mention of `righteous Turks'- Turks who risked their
lives to save their Armenian friends or even complete strangers ` in
the literature and commemorations. This is disturbing, given that a
significant portion of Armenians who survived deportations would
testify to the roles played by such Turkish friends in their escapes.
Failure to acknowledge the presence of these people not only betrays
the truthfulness of the recollected accounts, but also reduces a
historical event to its darkest moment without showing us all of its
complexities. This failure automatically prepares the ground for
dehumanization and stereotyping, which would have us believe the
opposite of what we all know about the human condition: the line
separating good and evil goes through the heart of each individual and
given the right set of conditions we - regardless of race,
nationality, gender, education, class and religion ` are all
vulnerable to commit the most grotesque violence against our
neighbors.
For this reason, I have personally begun a web-based initiative,
named Project Common Humanity, or PCH, to gather the untold stories of
courage, virtue and sacrifice. My humble and limited attempt is in no
way meant to undermine the suffering of the victims or even getting
involved in debates on whether or not what happened was genocide. My
only desire is that as we remember not only the pain but also the
human beauty, we will come to see what happened under the broken
shadow of Ararat not in terms of `Armenians' and `Turks', but as `our
story'.
So if you know any such story, published or not, please consider
sharing it with all of us. Visit PCH's amateurish blog and send your
stories in Turkish or English. And join me to celebrate what unites us
in an age that is obsessed with fixing what separates us.
(Ziya Meral can be reached at ziya_meral@yahoo.com)
Journal of Turkish Weekly, Turkey
Sept 14 2008
Armenia May Recognize Turkey's Borders
Sunday , 14 September 2008
BY Sedat Laçiner
Notwithstanding all risks, President Abdullah Gul's visit to Armenia
ended as a success story in all aspects. Turkey reiterated and proved
its peaceful stance and give positive signals to Armenia. Sarkisyan
accepted Turkey's invitation and this may be seen as the first
consequence of the visit. And of course there will be reciprocal
visits of lower level officials. Especially, the Armenian side does
not seem to wait until the next match for paying these visits. They
are planning an extensional diplomatic action towards Turkey. As we
know, Ankara is already waiting for such move that improving relations
with Armenia is the primary objective of the AKP government.
Armenia faced with a huge economic burden especially after the
Russia-Georgia conflict through destruction of its railroads and
highways. More important than that this conflict ceased Armenian ties
with the rest of the world. Armenia acknowledged that its dependence
to Georgia to connect rest of the world is no longer
sustainable. Dependence to unstable Georgia means the risk of
disruption of the everyday life order in Armenia at eruption of a new
conflict in the area. Armenia may even collapse without an Azerbaijani
attack because of its collapsed economy via ceased exports and imports
which are crucial for the sustenance of everyday life. An Azerbaijani
attack in these circumstances probably ends the existence of
Armenia. Even though the Russia sends help to Armenia it may find
nothing to save or just save a country that is gone 15 year backwards.
Under these circumstances the primary objective for Armenia is to open
a new line for its lifeblood. This is why Sarkisyan named their first
goal as `re-opening the Kars-Gümrü railroad' before
Gul's visit. However, Armenian recognition of Turkish borders is a
precondition of improvement of Armenia-Turkish relations. Armenia
cannot expect normalizations of the relations before recognizing its
neighbor's borders. Moreover, it cannot turn the page with the
meaningless discourse of `we do not have any preconditions for
beginning the talks with Turkey.' Turkey expects Armenia to omit the
`West Armenia' phrase from its declaration of independence document
which is also a part of its constitution. Or instead Turkey at least
expects a formal declaration from Armenia that indicates its
recognition and respect for Turkish borders. In my opinion Turkey may
get this recognition in a short time period because Armenian officials
were saying that there is no problem about this issue and they are
using this only as a bargaining chip. I hope the Armenian side has
seen that this is not putting Armenia in a stronger position in
negotiations instead ceasing the communication with Turkey.
In short, the first expectation for rapprochement is Armenian
recognition of Turkish borders. Opening borders for trade will
probably take more time. The airlines are open to flights anyway and
if Turkey opens the railroad and highway lines too that means
bestowing all Armenia wants altogether. This will give a position to
Armenia that is even better than Azerbaijan even. Armenia will be able
to connect the world economically through three alternative countries
of Georgia, Iran and Turkey, whereas Azerbaijan can connect to world
just through Georgia (partially through Iran). This is a huge reward
for Armenia and there is a long list of tasks to deserve that. The
first and foremost item of the list is Karabakh and other territories
under Armenian occupation.
14 September 2008
Translated by Mehmet Yegin
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