Friday, 24 February 2017
Thursday, 23 February 2017
Istanbul Patriarchate Election Takes Ugly Turn
Editorial 2-25 Feb 2017
By Edmond Y. Azadian
The Istanbul Armenian community is one of the most isolated in the diaspora, participating in minimal interaction with the rest of the Armenian communities around the world. Given the fearful atmosphere in which they are forced to live, it is logical that they try to avoid making waves in managing their community affairs. They are instinctively attuned to the political pendulum, which cyclically may swing from periods of freedom followed by periods of repression.
The Armenian community is recognized as a religious minority by the authorities in Turkey. For the last nine years, however, a time bomb has been ticking because of that classification. That time bomb began ticking when the elected patriarch, Archbishop Mesrob Mutafyan, was declared incapacitated and a race to succeed him began.
The vacuum created at the Patriarchate contributed to the confusion and chaos in the community. Two groups appealed to the authorities to obtain permission to elect a new patriarch or a co-adjutor patriarch. The government did not need any better excuse to extend the confusion by authorizing neither proposal.
In the interim, Archbishop Aram Ateshyan managed to appoint himself as a vicar by the Clerical Assembly, a religious body there which is beholden to him. That was an unusual step which the community believed it was temporary. However, Archbishop Ateshyan tried to extend the arrangement by ingratiating himself to the authorities. A blatant example was his simpering letter to President Erdogan after the German Bundestag voted to recognize the Armenian Genocide. He also abused his position for personal gain and tried to justify his abuses unabashedly. His delaying tactics paid off and his candidacy gained some traction. The authorities did not hide their sympathy towards the docile clergy which signified a nod to the affluent leadership of the community, whose business dealings depend entirely on the good will of the government. Thus, Ateshyan was heading towards an eventual fait accompli when the ticking time bomb blew out.
Indeed, there are three other announced candidates for the patriarchal election besides Ateshyan, namely Archbishop Sahak Mashalyan, Primate of Germany Archbishop Karekin Bekjian and Primate of Gougark Diocese in Armenia Archbishop Sebouh Chuljian. Of the three, Mashalyan was serving in Istanbul as the head of the Clerical Assembly. Exasperated by the foot-dragging by Ateshyan, he threw in the towel. He asked the Assembly to designate a final date for the election and the termination of Ateshyan’s term as vicar. When the Assembly declined his request, he decided to resign from all his positions, give up his candidacy and leave the country.
That intemperate action threw the community into turmoil.
A hasty convocation was invited with the participation of all VADIP members. The VADIP is an informal council composed of the representatives of all parish councils, school boards and heads of charitable organizations. The council is headed by Bedros Shirinoglu, who is also the president of Holy Savior (Sourp Purgich) Hospital. Mr. Shirinoglu was successful in arranging a meeting with President Erdgoan, who had promised to get involved personally and designate an election date, after the country’s constitution referendum. Incidentally, Shirinoglu used the opportunity to badmouth Garo Paylan, an act of uncalled-for conniving docility.
The election of the patriarch is not the only case in limbo. All the schools, charitable organizations and hospitals have been denied permission to hold elections for many years. This degree of intrusion and micromanagement by the government contravenes the clauses of the Lausanne treaty of 1923, which supposedly guaranteed the freedom of minorities in Turkey. Now that Turkey is a “trusted ally” of Europe and the US, no one will bother enforcing the clauses of that treaty.
Before the communitywide planned convocation at the Bezjian Amira Hall at the Kumkapu Patriarchate, another meeting was held involving the two feuding clergymen, with the participation of 10 prominent community leaders.
While the larger group of representatives was waiting impatiently to convene the meeting, a smaller, closed group was continuing its deliberations past the meeting time.
Finally, an agreement was hammered out between the two clergymen: It was decided to hold a meeting to elect the locum tenens for the Patriarchate on February 17, to form a committee to expedite the election on the 18th and to submit a formal request on February 20 to the Istanbul governor to designate May 28 as the election date. The reason that the meeting dragged on for so long was that the agreement did not include a clause requesting Ateshyan’s resignation as vicar after the election of the locum tenens. Mashalyan had eventually conceded to sign the agreement, all along arguing that continuing the vicar’s role after a locum tenens is elected is counter to the rules of the Armenian Church.
As Mr. Shirinoglu entered the hall with the document in his hand, rather than the anticipated reaction to a peace agreement, he was confronted with hostile reactions. Many have called for the resignation of Archbishop Ateshyan and some of the arguments have even degenerated into brawls.
After many heated arguments both pro and con, the crowd was dispersed without witnessing a firm solution to the crisis. While the agreement has been suspended, the two clergymen have been invited to Holy Echmiadzin to iron out their differences before Karekin II, Catholicos of All Armenians, who has been following the events day by day.
It is extremely difficult to detect all the nuances of the problem, especially by reading the newspaper accounts published in Istanbul. Because of the terror-filled atmosphere, the media there has resorted to self-censorship. Consequently, they have developed a style marked by verbosity. One has to read column after column to get to the gist of the matter. The only journalist who has dared to call a spade a spade was Hrant Dink, who lost his life because of his honesty. Agos, founded by Dink, does not favor Ateshyan’s candidacy and by the same token, does not endorse Mashalyan’s temperamental behavior. The two other daily newspapers, namely Jamanak and Marmara are very vague, understandably, because whoever is elected patriarch has the resources to punish the papers. The Patriarchate indirectly subsidizes the newspapers through paid ads. Archbishop Mutafyan had used that method effectively in the past in silencing criticism leveled at him in the media. Even besides the financial relationship the newspaper editors are circumspect to figure out that they will have to live with whoever is elected. Therefore, they do not wish to rock the boat.
For centuries Armenians have placed their confidence in the church and the clergy for good reason. But over the years, the church has become a shell of its former self in the hands of inept, self-centered and vindictive clergymen.
In view of the drama unfolding in Istanbul, any rational group would disqualify both candidates who are at each other’s throats for self-glory.
New Karabakh Constitution Enacted
February 21, 2017
Voters in Nagorno-Karabakh overwhelmingly backed controversial
constitutional changes in a referendum held on Monday, officials in
Stepanakert said on Tuesday.
According to official preliminary results of the referendum released
by the local Central Election Commission (CEC), more than 87 percent
of them voted for the unrecognized republic's new constitution that
allows its president, Bako Sahakian, to extend his rule. The CEC put
the voter turnout at 76.5 percent.
The commission chairwoman, Srbuhi Arzumanian, said it has received no
formal reports of irregularities from local, Armenian or more than a
hundred foreign observers. The latter mostly monitored the vote in a
"Nothing problematic can be said about this referendum," said Frank
Engel, a pro-Armenian member of the European Parliament from
"I would hope that more actors in the international community take
note of the fact that in this part of the South Caucasus people decide
freely," Engel told reporters in Stepanakert.
The foreign observers also included Reiner Morell, Germany's former
ambassador to Armenia. "In my view, it was a fair, normal and
democratic referendum," Morell told RFE/RL's Armenian service
(Azatutyun.am). The vote demonstrated "the effectiveness of statehood"
established by the Karabakh Armenians, he said.
As was the case during the previous Karabakh ballots, Azerbaijan has
condemned the referendum as illegal. The Azerbaijani government said
this week that it will add the non-Armenian observers to its list of
foreign nationals who have been declared personae non grata in
Azerbaijan because of their trips to Karabakh.
Morell said he is "not at all worried" about being blacklisted by
Baku. "I think that a blacklist is not helpful in spreading
democracy," he said.
The United States, Russia and France -- the three nations trying to
broker a solution to the Karabakh conflict -- commented rather
cautiously to the referendum last week. In a joint statement , the
U.S., Russian and French co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group noted that
"the de-facto Nagorno-Karabakh authorities view the use of such a
procedure as an effort to organize the public life of their
But they stressed that the referendum results will "in no way prejudge
the final status of Nagorno-Karabakh or the outcome of the ongoing
negotiations" on a peaceful resolution of the Armenian-Azerbaijani
Armenia, meanwhile, hailed the Karabakh leadership's handling of the
vote on Tuesday. "Once again the people of Artsakh demonstrated that
their will to build a democratic society is irreversible despite all
the difficulties resulting from the continuing use of force and
threats of it, the economic blockade and other hostile actions by
Azerbaijan," Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian said in a statement.
Nalbandian claimed that Baku regularly condemns "democratic processes"
in Karabakh because of its own poor human rights record.
The new constitution drafted by Sahakian and backed by most Karabakh
parties envisages the Armenian-populated territory's transition to a
presidential system of government. Proponents of this change say a
fully presidential system of government will put Karabakh in a better
position to cope with the unresolved conflict with Azerbaijan.
Sahakian's political opponents maintain, however, that the main
purpose of the reform is to enable him to stay in power after he
completes his second and what was supposed to be final five-year term
in September 2017. The previous Karabakh constitution barred him from
seeking a third term.
The new constitution overrode that restriction. It will fully come
into force after Karabakh's current parliament dominated by Sahakian's
supporters serves out its term in 2020. Karabakh will be governed by
an interim president chosen by the parliament until then. Sahakian
will be able to run for president in 2020 and hold the top post for
two consecutive terms.
Speaking to journalists on Monday, the Karabakh leader declined to
clarify whether he plans to stay in power after September.
Special vineyard in Armenia cultivates more than 250 varieties of grape
A special vineyard established in Armenia cultivates more than 250 varieties of grape, Avetik Nersisyan, an expert at the regional office of the UN Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO), said to ARKA news agency. He said a model garden is also created that will be used to hold special training courses for local farmers to teach them how to use new technologies.
He said that FAO assisted also in the technical equipment of the Vegetable and Melon Crops Center, which will be growing traditional varieties of vegetables for Armenia.
"Experts have repeatedly warned that some traditional Armenian varieties of vegetables could be lost. These fears prompted a decision to develop and preserve Armenian varieties of vegetables, and to stimulate their production," Nersisyan said.
According to him, the Centre is furnished with the necessary equipment, growing Armenian varieties of vegetables for seeds, and is concluding also contracts with farmers for the supply of seeds.
In cooperation with FAO an apricot garden was created a few years ago in Armenia, where all the main varieties of apricots grown in the country are assembled. Given its successful experience, it was decided to jointly create a vineyard that will preserve the existing grape genetics, which is essential for the development of viticulture.
Studies show that there were more than 600 known varieties of grapes in Armenia. Today only 60 varieties are being grown.
The Elton John AIDS Foundation to Host Special Viewing/Awareness/Fundraising Venture at its 25th Oscar-Night Party
HOLLYWOOD, Calif.—The Elton John AIDS Foundation (EJAF)’s 25th annual Academy Awards Viewing Party will held on Feb. 26, at West Hollywood Park, during which Sir Elton John and David Furnish will introduce Open Road and Survival Pictures new film The Promise , which tells the story of the Armenian Genocide in Turkey at the outset of WWI. Written by Terry George and Robin Swicord and directed by Terry George (Hotel Rwanda), The Promise stars Oscar Issac, Christian Bale, and Charlotte Le Bon.
“We have only to look at the horrific HIV/AIDS outbreak that followed in the wake of the Rwandan genocide in the mid-1990’s to understand the direct connection between human rights atrocities and public health crises like the AIDS epidemic,” said EJAF founder Elton John. “Through our friendships with the Manoukian family and producer Dr. Eric Esrailian from UCLA, David and I became more personally aware of the Armenian Genocide and its timely relevance to social issues today. The film’s theme #KeepThePromise can be interpreted as keeping the promise to remember and learn from the atrocities of the past, as well as keeping the promise to end AIDS. At EJAF, we are committed to #KeepThePromise and raise awareness about this powerful film that uses classic storytelling to inspire people to take action today. We are honored to share the important timing of our Oscar-night event to introduce people to The Promise .”
In addition to sharing EJAF’s vision for championing human rights, The Promise team at Survival Pictures has taken the unprecedented step of making the commitment to donate all proceeds from the film to nonprofit organizations including EJAF and other human rights and humanitarian groups. As part of this commitment and to inspire party guests to give generously, Survival Pictures will match the pledges guests make to EJAF via text and live auction purchases made during EJAF’s Academy Awards Viewing Party with the goal of making this a record-setting evening.
“Such giving has never happened with a film of this scale, we wanted the world to know about it, and we are incredibly grateful,” said EJAF chair David Furnish. “We are honored to announce this generosity, thanks to the late philanthropist and humanitarian Kirk Kerkorian, on the eve of EJAF’s 25th annual Academy Awards Viewing Party. Not only is The Promise committing to support EJAF’s work, but matching funds will be provided to inspire donors even more throughout the event and live auction.”
Survival Pictures has also developed a social impact campaign for The Promise to help educate the global public about the genocides and mass atrocities of the 20th and 21st centuries, the discussion about the legal definition of genocide, and historical denialism. The impact campaign will inform and inspire people to take action so they become part of the anti-genocide movement led by human rights organizations like EJAF as well as change-makers dedicated to ending crimes against humanity and bringing perpetrators to justice.
The film sets a love story in the midst of the growing unrest in 1914 Turkey leading up to the horrors of the Armenian Genocide. As the Great War looms, the mighty Ottoman Empire is crumbling. Constantinople, the once vibrant, multicultural capital on the shores of the Bosporus, is about to be consumed by chaos. Michael Boghosian (Oscar Isaac), arrives in the cosmopolitan hub as a medical student determined to bring modern medicine back to Siroun, his ancestral village in Southern Turkey where Turkish Muslims and Armenian Christians have lived side by side for centuries. Photo-journalist Chris Myers (Christian Bale), has come here only partly to cover geo-politics. He is mesmerized by his love for Ana (Charlotte Le Bon), an Armenian artist he has accompanied from Paris after the sudden death of her father. When Michael meets Ana, their shared Armenian heritage sparks an attraction that explodes into a romantic rivalry between the two men. As the Turks form an alliance with Germany and the Empire turns violently against its own ethnic minorities, their conflicting passions must be deferred while they join forces to survive even as events threaten to overwhelm them. Promises are made and promises are broken. The one promise that must be kept is to live on and tell the story.
“The Armenian Genocide must, of course, never be forgotten and should be recognized, but our current headlines show that the same patterns of human rights violations are being replicated in too many parts of the world today,” said producer Dr. Eric Esrailian. “We are honored to have the support of Elton, David, and the entire EJAF family, and by joining forces, we can help the people in the world who need assistance right now.”
Armenian government is not doing enough work – Human Rights Watch
The government of Armenia has made some bold commitments to reduce the number of children in residential institutions, but it is not doing enough work in this direction, Human Rights Watch said in a report released today.
The 102-page report, “‘When Will I Get to Go Home?’ Abuses and Discrimination against Children in Institutions and Lack of Access to Quality Inclusive Education in Armenia”, documents how thousands of children in Armenia live in orphanages, residential special schools for children with disabilities, and other institutions. They often live there for years, separated from their families. More than 90 percent of children in residential institutions in Armenia have at least one living parent. Human Rights Watch also found that the Armenian government is not doing enough to ensure quality, inclusive education for all children. Inclusive education involves children with disabilities studying in their community schools with reasonable support for academic and other achievement.
“The government of Armenia has made some bold commitments to reduce the number of children in institutions, but needs to make sure those promises are backed by serious, sustained action,” said Jane Buchanan, associate Europe and Central Asia director at Human Rights Watch and author of the report. “All children have the right to grow up in a family, and government and donor resources should support families and children, not large institutions.”
The problem, according to researchers, is not financial. According to UNICEF, financial support for children in institutions in Armenia is between US$3,000 and US$5,000 per year per child. These funds could be used for community-based services and direct support to families which are less expensive in the long term, according to UNICEF.
The government is not doing enough work to provide inclusive education for all children.
Inclusive education involves children with disabilities studying in their community schools with reasonable support for academic and other achievement. Children with disabilities often do not attend classes with other children or if they are in the classroom, may not be provided with the services they need to participate in an academic curriculum. They may instead be given art, sewing, or other tasks to occupy them. For many children with disabilities, their education consists primarily or exclusively of one hour or shorter individual sessions once or a few times a week. They are not involved in the learning process and simply sit in the classroom.
Mari Minasyan, 12, attends an inclusive school in Goris town. She is the only child with disabilities in the school which does not have the necessary accommodations for children with disabilities.
“It is very difficult for me to ascend the steps, there is neither an elevator and nor a ramp. I also have difficulty in going to the toilet because our classroom is on the 3rd floor while the toilet is on the 1st floor,” she said.
The authors of the reports say that all children have the right to grow up in a family, and government and donor resources should support families and children, not large institutions.
Community schools should have sufficient staff so that a child can receive inclusive educational and grow up in a family. “The government should urgently provide community-based services and quality, inclusive education so that all children, including children with disabilities, can grow up in a family,” Human Rights Watch said in the report.
Posted by Seta at 05:12
Unlike Palestinians, Bedouins and Syrians who share between
Read about it:
Daily Sabah, Turkey
Armenians settle patriarch election dispute: Report
Feb 18 2017
Acting patriarch Ateşyan is under fire over stalling process.
A Turkish Armenian weekly reported that the election of the patriarch, a dispute that pitted the acting patriarch against others, is scheduled for May 28. The decision taken at a meeting on Thursday may not end the dispute but it signals the first time that the election process has progressed. Agos reported that Acting Patriarch Aram Ateşyan and Sahak Maşalyan, head of the Spiritual Council who earlier announced his resignation over frustration with the process, joined others to agree on a timetable for the election.
The seat of the patriarch of the Armenian Patriarchate has been empty since 2008 when Patriarch Mesrob II, suffering from an illness, went into a vegetative state. The failure to elect a new head has been frustrating members of the minority concentrated in Istanbul.
Acting Patriarch Aram Ateşyan serves as the leader of the church that, apart from its religious role, functions as an institution uniting the community.
Prominent figures of the community outside the church have noticeably rallied for the election of the new patriarch who would replace Patriarch Mesrob II but a persistent opposition by Ateşyan stalled the process according to some figures in the community.
Bishop Sahak Maşalyan announced his resignation earlier this week through a letter published in Agos. Maşalyan accused Aram Ateşyan of delaying the elections that would be held if the council and local authorities approve.
Maşalyan says Ateşyan resisted the election of a new patriarch and "acted alone" when he announced he would not apply to the authorities for permission for a new election last month. Maşalyan said in his letter that the election process could have been "accelerated" by cutting the red tape but Ateşyan had prevented it.
"Ateşyan used his position as acting patriarch to abuse his duty and caused the seat of the patriarch to be left empty for nine years, the first time in the history of the Armenian church," Maşalyan said.
The community members agreed to hold elections last year and seek permission from the local authorities, a red tape process for the elections but no timetable was set, to the chagrin of opponents of the post of acting patriarch instead of a permanent one.
Speaking to Daily Sabah last November, Markar Esayan, a Turkish Armenian lawmaker for the ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party), has said that failure to elect a new head of the patriarchate "posed a problem for people" as the democratic structure of the Armenian church based in Istanbul is a rarity in the world.
Under the election process, an official will be elected to oversee the election. The community will elect delegates who will pick a candidate for the post in the later stages.
Like other non-Muslim communities whose population dwindled over the years due to a lack of rights and oppressive state policies in the past, the Armenian community saw a reinstatement of their rights such as the return of properties once seized by the state. However, the election of a new patriarch remained a thorn in the side of the community. Armenian groups even staged a rare protest for the elections last summer to protest the "made-up title of acting patriarch" and electing a new religious leader.
The Armenian patriarchate was established in Istanbul after the city's conquest by the Ottoman Empire, and oversees Armenian churches throughout the country.
After Maşalyan's resignation, a protocol was issued in a secret meeting that was held before the meeting of VADİP (Cooperation and Consultation Platform for Foundations), foundation chairs and executives. Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II made a statement on the recent developments. Catholicos stated that the protocol is against the traditional procedure.
The process of patriarchal election has accelerated after the resignation of Sahak Maşalyan , the head of the Clerical Assembly of the Patriarchate. On February 16, 13 people including General Vicar of Patriarch Aram Ateşyan, , Sahak Maşalyan, Dikran Gülmezgil, Erol Ergan, Melkon Karaköse, Hayk Aslanyan, Vasken Barın, Cezo Taş, Efrim Bağ, Kevork Okçu, Hrant Moskofyan, signed a protocol. It was announced that the election will be held on May 28 and Aram Ateşyan will continue to serve as the vicar throughout this process.
Patriarchal election: the date is set, chaos is growing
The secret meeting that was held before the meeting of VADİP (Cooperation and Consultation Platform for Foundations), foundation chairs and executives and the imposed protocol caused severe criticisms.
Lastly, Catholicos of All Armenians Karekin II reacted against the the protocol that was signed during the secret meeting that was held with the participation of General Vicar of Patriarch Aram Ateşyan and Bishop Sahak Maşalyan. Stating that the item concerning the vicarship of Ateşyan is against the procedure, Catholicos was reportedly called Ateşyan and Mutafyan to his seat at Etchmiadzin.
According to the protocol, the Clerical Assembly was supposed to choose a değabah (trustee) today. It is reported that Ateşyan and Mutafyan are called to Etchmiadzin on February 21.
Here is the protocol signed in the secret meeting:
“Recent developments concerning the patriarchal election lead our society to conflicts with unpredictable outcomes. Wise people of our society, Their Eminences Archbishop Aram Ateşyan and Bishop Sahak Maşalyan came together and issued a protocol that will bring peace until the election.
1. A değabah (trustee) will be chosen among the esteemed clerics on February 17.
2. On February 18, Clerical Assembly and society leaders invited by the değabah will assign the Enterprising Committee, which consists of 15 people, 2 of them being clerics.
3. On February 20, değabah and the Enterprising Committee will write the proper letter and present it to the governor's office.
4. His Eminence Aram will continue to be the general vicar until the election, but he won't deal with and intervene in the election process.
5. May 28 is the day of our election.
With New Constitution, Is Karabakh Following in Azerbaijan's Footsteps?
On February 20, the de facto republic of Nagorno Karabakh will hold a referendum on a new constitution that would change the form of government from semi-presidential to a fully presidential. It would also, as a result, allow incumbent president Bako Sahakyan to retain his post beyond the current limit of two five-year terms.
There appears to be sufficient public support for the new constitution. Most local political groups have endorsed it, with 20 of 33 members of parliament voting in favor. Proponents of the change emphasize the security imperatives governing the transition, in particular after last April's heavy fighting with Azerbaijan. According to its advocates, a fully presidential system is better suited to managing the continuing military stand-off with Azerbaijan. Azerbaijan has taken similar steps in recent years, eliminating presidential term limits and, last year , extending each term from five to seven years, effectively reducing the frequency of electoral distractions.
The change in Karabakh also calls for presidential and parliamentary elections to be held concurrently every five years. Since the local parliament was last elected in 2015, that would mean a three-year transition period, during which the president would be chosen by the parliament, until the new system kicked in. Few doubt that the parliament would elect Sahakyan to the post or that he could seek re-election in 2020.
Unlike past Karabakh leaders, Sahakyan has kept a low profile throughout his presidency. While he has genuine local support for addressing some of the many economic and social issues in Karabakh, as well as for his personal modesty, critics say this comes at the cost of excessive political loyalty to Armenia’s leadership. Unlike his predecessors, Sahakyan rarely represents Karabakh abroad and never publicly disagrees with Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan on controversial subjects, such as negotiations with Azerbaijan.
No wonder, then, that Sargsyan would want Sahakyan to continue in office. Both the current Karabakh constitution adopted in 2006 and constitutional draft under consideration were reportedly prepared by Hrair Tovmasyan , Armenia’s former justice minister and current parliament staff director. (By coincidence or not, Tovmasian’s latest draft prepared last year bears strong resemblance to the constitutional proposal expected to be adopted this spring in Turkey.)
The constitutional change in Karabakh has so far elicited few reactions among Armenia’s political class. But Sahakyan’s retention of the presidency can become a precedent for Sargsyan after the latter's own second term ends in 2018. In Armenia, with its transition to a parliamentary system, this could mean Sargsyan becoming prime minister or simply remaining the leader of the ruling party and managing affairs behind the scenes, as Bidzina Ivanishvili is widely believed to be doing in Georgia.
Developments in Karabakh fit with broader illiberal trends worldwide, but they also seem to underscore another tendency prevalent in the post-Soviet conflict areas. Having effectively separated and seeking recognition of the status quo, leaders of the unrecognized republics – consciously or not – tend to follow precedents set by the states they broke away from. Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia, like Moldova and Georgia and unlike their main sponsor Russia, have now all gone through series of leadership transitions via elections.
Karabakh officials like to point out their differences with Azerbaijan, pointing in particular to the latter's father-to-son succession and cult of personality politics. However, by bypassing constitutional term limits, they are now in effect following precedents set throughout the former USSR, Azerbaijan’s among them.
Interfax - Russia & CIS General Newswire
Nagorno-Karabakh liberated - Aliyev
February 18, 2017
Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev has named conditions needed for the
Karabakh settlement when meeting with UN Secretary-General Antonio
Guterres, the Azerbaijani presidential website said.
Aliyev and Guterres held a meeting on the sidelines of the Munich
Security Conference on Saturday.
"Aliyev told about the conditions for the settlement: first, the seven
districts around Nagorno-Karabakh are liberated; then local residents
(refugees and forcibly displaced persons) return to their homes and
peacekeeping forces are deployed in the region. Only when this is
done, a referendum on the Nagorno-Karabakh status may be held," the
presidential website said.
United Nations Industrial Development Organization
Russia funds second phase of UNIDO project to upgrade Armenia's
Feb 17 2017
Vienna: United Nations Industrial Development Organization has issued
the following news release:
The United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) and the
Government of Armenia signed an agreement today to implement the
second phase of a project to boost the country’s textile, garment,
leather and shoe sectors. The Government of the Russian Federation
will provide US$2m to fund the second phase of the project which was
presented to the stakeholders and the media in Yerevan.
The three-year second phase of the project titled, “Improving
Competitiveness of Export-Oriented Industries in Armenia through
Modernization and Market Access”, will develop the industrial linkages
of the Armenian shoe and garment producers within regional value
chains. It will enhance local manufacturers’ productivity and
competitiveness, and promote business networking and institutional
partnerships between shoe and garment producers and designers. It will
also foster job creation, particularly for women.
UNIDO experts will support the beneficiary companies in designing and
marketing their products. They will also provide comprehensive
advisory services in all export-related matters.
During the presentation, Anahit Simonyan, UNIDO Representative in
Armenia, said, “The project will contribute to the revival of the
textile, garment, leather and footwear industries and will strengthen
Armenia’s position on the international market.”
In the welcome address, delivered on behalf of Ivan Volynkin, Russian
Ambassador to Armenia, by Andrei Ivanov, Minister Counsellor of the
Embassy, the ambassador remarked on the success of the first phase.
“In the framework of the project financed by the Russian Federation,
we managed to achieve significant results in the organization of small
and medium textile businesses in Armenia. It is not easy to run a
business in the current world economic conditions, but the project
managed to considerably improve the competitiveness and attractiveness
of the products of Armenian companies participating in the project.”
Suren Karayan, Minister of Economic Development and Investments of
Armenia, said, “I would like to stress the significant role of
international organizations, particularly the role of UNIDO, in the
sector’s development process.”
The two-year pilot phase of the project was implemented in 2014-2016.
During this phase, UNIDO experts trained representatives of eight
Armenian companies working under the single brand name, “5900BC”, to
develop and produce collections of fashionable clothes. One of these
collections was spotlighted at a fashion show during the UNIDO 50th
anniversary week in Vienna in November 2016.
Glass of Bubbly
Armenian Sparkling Wine Production Rises 8.4%
Feb 17 2017
Armenia might not be the first place you think of when it comes to sparkling wine, but you may be surprised by this country’s long winemaking history which continues to this day.
According to ArmenPress, Armenia produced almost over 6 million litres of wine in 2016, of which 713 thousand litres were sparkling – an 8.4% rise in sparkling production.
Thanks to the country’s great terroir, history of grape-growing and native varieties, Armenian winemakers can create fantastic wines. Most wines are grown on the fertile soils of the South Caucasus.
In fact, Armenia has one of the oldest wine-producing histories in the world.
Since ancient times, Armenia has been renowned for its winemaking. During 1960-1986 production of sparkling wine increased by 10 times as during Soviet times, before Armenia became independent in 1991, mass grapes were planted for making Armenian brandy.
In 2011 Archaeologists discovered the world’s oldest-known wine production facility in the Areni cave complex. The facility dates back to around 4000 BC, 900 years before the earliest comparable wine remains were found in Egypt.
Posted by Seta at 05:01