Friday 25 January 2013

LOUSSAPATZ_ The Dawn - 2013-968-1-26


ԹԻՒ 968 ՇԱԲԱԹ, 26 ՅՈՒՆՈՒԱՐ 2013
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HRANT DINK (1954-2007)
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ՕՊԱՄԱՅԻ «ՆԱԽԱԳԱՀԱԴՐՈՒԹԻՒՆԸ»
Մեթր Պարգեւ Դաւիթեան Օպամայի նախագահադրութիւնը (presidential inauguration), որ տեղի ունեցաւ Ամերիկայի
վայել ճոխ եւ տպաւորիչ ցերեկային եւ գիշերային պաշտօնական հանդիսութիւններով շատ մը խորհրդածութիւններու կը մղէ ականատեսը։
Այդ հանդիսութիւնները ցոյց կու տան թէ ինչպէս Ամերիկան իր նախագահի պաշտօնին կը նայի ակնածանքով, եւ իր ամէն տեսակի կարելիութիւնները կը դնէ կազմակերպիչներու տրամադրութեան տակ, որպէսզի սքանչելի բծախնդրութեամբ եւ կարգապահութեամբ ընթանայ մեծարանքը իր հրամանատարին։
Ամերիկան հռչակաւոր է իր արձանագրած եզակի յաջողութիւններով. իր յեղափոխութիւններու մայր՝ Ամերիկեան Յեղափոխութեամբ (1776), իր անզուգական քաղաքաշինութեամբ եւ ամենատարածեալ հարստութեամբ, իր բարձրագոյն գիտական եւ արուեստի մակարդակով, իր ամենահզօր բանակով եւ առաջնորդ դրամանիշով, եւ վերջապէս իր ամենակատարեալ ժողովրդավարութեամբ, որ տակաւին մօտիկ անցեալին անընդունելի նկատուող գոյնի եւ ծագումի տէր անձ մը նախագահ կ՚ընտրէ եւ կը վերընտրէ։
Ամերիկան իր շահերու հետապնդումի քաղաքականութեամբ աշխարհը գուցէ կը խառնէ. պատերազմասէր աւանդութիւններով կամ շահախնդիր դիրքորոշումներով ժողովուրդներ կ՚անհանգստացնէ եւ բռնատէրեր իշխանութիւններու վրայ կը զետեղէ. սակայն, արդար է ըսել, թէ ան իր տան կարգը հեռու կը պահէ դուրսը կիրարկած իր աշխատանքի ձեւէն եւ վերաբերմունքէն։
Օպամայի նախագահութիւնը փաստն է Ամերիկայի ժողովրդավարութեան եւ արդարութեան եւ բոլոր տեսակի արժէքներուն, որոնք կը բնորոշեն անոր ներքին քաղաքական դիմագիծը։
Ամերիկայի պատկերը` դուրսէն դիտուած, չէ այն ինչ որ ան կը թուի ըլլալ ներսէն դիտուած։
Երրորդ աշխարհի աչքով դիտուած, ան կը նկատուի դաւադրութիւններ սարքող եւ շատ ալ անգամ ժողովրդավար իշխանութիւններ տապալող եւ բռնապետեր հաստատող։
Եւրոպայի աչքով ան կը նկատուի «վերջէն տեսած հարուստ» (nouveau riche), որ իր դրամի ուժին պատճառաւ կը մեծարուի` բայց չի յարգուիր։
Արաբ եւ իսլամ աշխարհին կողմէ կը նկատուի անարդար եւ կողմնակալ իրաւարար, որ իր սուլիչը միշտ կը հնչեցնէ որպէսզի փէնալթի տայ հակառակորդ կողմին։
Երբ ներսէն դիտուի սակայն, ան կը ջանայ ինքզինքին տալ պատկերը պարկեշտ անձի մը (gentleman), որ խտրութիւն չի դներ գոյնի, սեռի եւ ծագումի տարբերութիւններու միջեւ, եւ ազատութիւն, հաւասարութիւն, եղբայրութիւն (liberty, equality, fraternity) բառերուն կամ կարգախօսին շուրջ կը ջանայ դասաւորել եւ կարգաւորել իր կեանքը։
Ամերիկան որ Րէկընի եւ Պուշի նման նախագահներուն տուաւ զօրաւորին եւ հարուստին ծառայելու իշխանութիւն, տուաւ նաեւ իշխանութիւն իր ամենախոնարհ դասակարգի շարքերէն բարձրացած Քլինթըններու եւ Օպամաներու, որ անոնք ծառայեն նաեւ մնացեալներուն։
Մաղթելի է որ Ամերիկան իր ներսը վարած քաղաքականութեամբ վարուի նաեւ դուրսը։

Հրանդ Տինքի Նահատակութեան Տարելիցը՝ Զգաստութեան
Հրաւէր Ասկէ վեց տարիներ առաջ, ճիշդ այս օրերուն՝ 2007-ի Յունուար 19-ին,փամփուշտի երեք
կրակոցներ դիտապաստ կը զգետնէին Պոլսոյ «Ակօս» շաբաթաթերթի գլխաւոր խմբագիրը, խիզախ հրապարակագիրն ու մտաւորականը՝ Հրանդ Տինքը, իր իսկ խմբագրատան առջեւ, պետական ահաբեկչութեամբ լռեցնելով՝ ճշմարտութեան, արդարութեան եւ ժողովրդավարութեան համար պայքարող աննկուն քաջամարտիկը, գաղափարապաշտ մտաւորականը, Թուրքիոյ «ամէնէն քաջ ու ամէնէն ազատ ձայնը»:
Իր նահատակութենէն վեց տարի ետք, տակաւին հայ Պահանջատէր հայութիւնը շատ բան ունի մտորելու, քննարկելու եւ սորվելու Հրանդ Տինքի վարք ու բարքէն, անոր պայքարի գաղափարականէն, դուրս գալով մանաւանդ ա՛լ հնացած կաղապարներէն ու կարծրատիպերէն...: Քաղաքական առաջին դասը գուցէ՝ հայութեան եւ ի մասնաւորի տարագիր հայութեան խոր գիտակցումը ըլլալու է այն անհերքելի իրողութեան, որ արդի Թուրքիան հաւատարիմ ժառանգորդն է երիտթուրքերու Փանթուրքիզմի քաղաքականութեան, թաքնուած այս անգամ նոր-օսմանիզմի կարգախօսին ներքեւ, եւ որ ոչինչ փոխուած է Թուրքիոյ ցեղապաշտ, բռնատիրական եւ հակաժողովրդավար համակարգին մէջ: Վկայ՝ քրէական օրէնսգիրքի 301-րդ տխրահռչակ յօդուածը, որ կ'ամբաստանէ բոլոր այն մտաւորականները, գրողներն ու ակադէմականները, որոնք՝ հակառակելով թրքական պաշտօնական տեսակէտին, «կ'անարգեն թրքական ազգային ինքնութիւնը»: Վկայ՝ Թուրքիոյ արդարադատութեան համակարգը որ, ըստ էութեան, կոչուած է պաշտպանելու պետութիւնը ընդդէմ իր քաղաքացիներու իրաւունքին: Վկայ՝ խորքային պետութեան ծածուկ եւ հզօր ոյժը, որ կը գործէ ամենուր՝ քուլիսներու ետին, հետապնդելով այլախոհ քաղաքացիները:
Քաղաքական երկրորդ դասը կարելի է համարել այն կարեւոր ըմբռնումը, որ ազգային եւ ընկերային ազատագրութիւնները սերտօրէն առնչուած են իրարու: Այս պատճառով ալ, Հրանդ Տինք սերտօրէն գործակցեցաւ թուրք եւ այլազգի «թուրքիացի» մտաւորականներու եւ գործիչներու հետ, ըլլան անոնք՝ ասորի, քիւրտ, յոյն, ալաուի..., հաւատալով որ ազգային դեմոկրատական դատի մը արդար լուծումը կախեալ է ճշմարիտ դեմոկրատիայի հզօրացումէն՝ Թուրքիոյ մէջ եւ այլուր: Եւ զարմանալի չէ որ իր թաղման վիթխարի թափօրին մասնակցեցան ոչ միայն հայեր, այլեւ ու յատկապէս՝ ժողովրդային դեմոկրատիայի գաղափարով առաջնորդուող, «թուրքիացի»
մտաւորականներ ու աշխատաւորներ, հակապետական ցուցարարներ, որոնք կը կրէին ցուցանակներ՝ «Մենք բոլորս հայ ենք», «Մենք բոլորս Հրանդ Տինք ենք», «Մարդասպան պետութիւն», «Ուս-ուսի՝ ֆաշիզմի դէմ»...գրութիւններով: Նահատակ Հրանդի այրին Ռաքէլ Տինք դիպուկ կերպով պիտի ըսէրԱյս մեծաթիւ բազմութեան մասնակցութիւնը՝ կերպով մը, ապստամբութիւն էր պետութեան դէմ»: Ապստամբութիւնը՝ Թուրքիոյ բազմազգ ժողովուրդի դեմոկրատական ոյժերուն, ընդդէմ Թուրքիոյ ֆաշիստական համակարգի բռնութեանց: Հրանդ Տինք կը հաւատար, որ՝ իսկական ժողովրդավարութիւնը, ժողովրդային ու ժողովրդանուէր դեմոկրատիան, հանդուրժողականութիւնը, խօսքի ու մտքի ազատութիւնը միայն կրնային արթնցնել թուրք ժողովուրդը իր թմբիրէն եւ զայն առաջնորդել ճանչնալու եւ ընդունելու պատմական ճշմարտութիւնը:
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Տակաւին, իրերը իրենց անունով կոչելու իր համարձակախօս քաջութեամբ ալ, Հրանդ Տինք մեծ նահատակը պիտի շարունակէ ոգեշնչել ցեղասպանուած ու հայրենահանուած մեր ժողովուրդի պահանջատիրական պայքարը: Արդարեւ, մինչ ատենի ՀՀ Նախագահ Ռոպերթ Քոչարեան թուրք յայտնի լրագրող Ալի Պիրանտին կը յայտարարէր ի լուր աշխարհին, ըսելով՝ «Հայոց Ցեղասպանութեան ճանաչումը իրաւական հիմքեր չստեղծեր հողային հատուցման», մոռացութեան տալով այն կարեւոր փաստը, որ հողին համար էր որ գործադրուեցաւ Ցեղասպանութիւնը..., անդին Հրանդ Տինք, անվեհեր մարտիկը, նոյնինքն Թուրքիոյ խորհրդարանի ամպիոնէն կը յայտարարէր. «Դուք ժողովուրդը իր արմատէն կտրեցիք, իր 4000ամեայ հողէն կտրեցիք, իր մշակոյթէն կտրեցիք: Եթէ նոյնիսկ ոսկեայ օդանաւերով տեղահանած ըլլայիք՝ միեւնոյն է, ատիկա Ցեղասպանութիւն է, բռնի տեղահանութիւն է՝ իր հողերէն եւ օճախներէն»:
Զուգահեռաբար, արդարութեան համար աննկուն պայքարող Հրանդ Տինք խորապէս կը վրդովուէր այսօրուան Հայաստանի պատասխանատուներու վարքագիծէն: Մահուան ստոյգ սպառնալիքին դէմ յանդիման, իրեն ուղղուած այն հարցումին, թէ՝ ինչո՞ւ չի հեռանար Թուրքիայէն, ան կը պատասխանէր յստակ ու մեկին. «Բայց ո՞ւր երթայի: Հայաստա՞ն: Ինչպէ՞ս կրնար ինձ նման մէկը, որ կ'ընդվզի անարդարութիւններու եւ անօրինականութիւններու դէմ, հանդուրժել՝ այնտեղ կատարուող անարդարութիւններն ու անօրինականութիւնները: Գուցէ այնտեղ ինծի աւելի՛ մեծ փորձութիւններ կը սպասէին»: Սա ոչ միայն լուրջ մտորումներու պիտի մղէ մեզ, այլ նաեւ՝ զգաստութեան եւ սթափումի հրաւէր է, ուղղուած Հայաստանի Հանրապետութեան պետական այրերուն ու վարչախումբին:
Անկոտրում կամքի, աննահանջ պայքարի վառ օրինակ է Հրանդ Տինքի կեանքն ու վարքագիծը: Ան մնաց եւ դիմադրեց, հակառակ անոր որ ինքզինք կը զգար ամբողջովին անպաշտպան, կը նախզգար իր կեանքի եղերական աւարտը. «Աղաւնիի մը նման եմ...իմ ձախիս, աջիս, առջեւս եւ ետեւս պատահածներով նոյնքան մտատանջ:...Գլուխս նոյնքան շարժուն է...»: «Մնալ եւ դիմադրել» որոշեց սակայն խիզախ մտաւորականը, մինչ այլ այլախոհներ նախընտրեր էին հեռանալ այնտեղէն, փրկելու համար իրենց կեանքը: Նշանակալից է իր խօսքը այս առիթով՝ «Քանզի՝ մենք մարդիկ ենք, որ կամաւորագրուած են իրենց ապրած դժոխքները դրախտներու վերածելու գաղափարին»: Նմանապէս, իրեն համար կենսական էր մնալ ու ապրիլ Թուրքիոյ մէջ «իբրեւ յարգանք Թուրքիոյ մէջ ապրող հազարաւոր բարեկամներու, որոնք կը պայքարին ժողովրդավարութեան համար եւ կը զօրակցին հայերուս: Ուրեմն՝ պիտի մնանք հոս, ու շարունակենք դիմակայումը»: Ահա գլխագիր մարդն ու գաղափարապաշտը:
Եւ վերջապէս, Հրանդ Տինք պատգամախօսն էր Հայ-Թուրք իրա՛ւ, արժանապատիւ երկխօսութեան, երկու ճշմարտօրէն ժողովրդավար պետութեանց միջեւ, եւ ոչ՝ ամերիկեան կայսերապաշտութեան կողմէ տնօրինուած կեղծ եւ նենգ «երկխօսութեան», ուր զօրաւորը իր կամքը կը պարտադրէ տկար կողմին, դրամատիրական վայրի անտառի անխախտ օրէնքով..., որուն տխուր ականատեսն ու վկան դարձանք աւելի վերջ՝ «ֆութպոլային դիւանագիտութեան» եւ «Հայաստան- Թուրքիա» փրոթոքոլի արձանագրութեանց տխրահռչակ օրերուն...:
Նահատակ Հրանդ Տինքի խմբագրած «Ակօս»ը դարձաւ իրաւամբ՝ ժողովրդավարութեան, ազգային եւ ընկերային ազատագրութեան, արդարութեան, Հայ Դատի Պահանջատիրութեան գաղափարներու սերմերով յուռթի, որոնք վստահաբար դեռ պիտի ծլարձակուին իր մահէն ետք ալ, անդրանցելով ժամանակի նեղ սահմանափակումը...: Իր պայքարի անկոտրում ու անվհատ ոգին պիտի շարունակէ ներշնչել բոլոր անոնք, որոնք կը պայքարին բռնատիրութեանց, անարդարութեանց եւ անիրաւութեանց դէմ, յանուն ժողովրդային ճշմարիտ դեմոկրատիայի կենսագործման, յանուն ժողովուրդներու կոխկռտուած իրաւունքներու վերականգնումին: Մարդկային ու ազգային արժանապատւութեան վերահաստատումին:
ՅԱՐԳԱՆՔ ԵՒ ԽՈՆԱՐՀՈՒՄ ԻՐ ՅԻՇԱՏԱԿԻՆ: ԵՐԱՆ ԳՈՒՅՈՒՄՃԵԱՆ

Armenian Presidential Election Campaign Kicks Off
YEREVAN -- The race to become Armenia's next president has officially started.
Six candidates, including incumbent Serzh Sarkisian, will take part in the presidential election on February 18. Two minor candidates Aram Harutiunian and Arman Melikian have already suspended their campaigns.
According to the country's electoral laws, the candidates have a right to 60 minutes of free air time on public television and 120 minutes of free time on public radio.
However, purchases of air time for advertisements on public television are limited to 120 minutes and they can buy no more than 180 minutes on public radio during the campaign.
President Sarkisian reaffirmed his government’s pledges to ensure the proper conduct of Armenia’s upcoming presidential election as he continued to campaign in southeastern Syunik province on Wednesday.
Speaking at a campaign rally in the provincial capital Kapan, Sarkisian also insisted that the Armenian authorities are not responsible for what many see as a lack of strong opposition candidates in the race.
“Some people, and not only inside our country, are trying to blame us for the absence of strong rivals. As if the government’s job is to create strong rivals for itself and then heroically overcome that obstacle,” he said.
“Our task is to create a competitive environment. Our task is to enable everyone willing to run and fight [for the presidency] to fully make use of that opportunity ... We have no right to blame anyone for running or not running,” he added.
Former Foreign Minister Raffi Hovannisian kicked off his campaign with a rally in central Yerevan attended by over a hundred people, most of them members or supporters of his opposition Zharangutyun (Heritage) party. “We are committed to returning power to the people of Armenia,” he told the crowd wearing orange scarves.
In his speech, Hovannisian pledged to create 180,000 new jobs, cut taxes, increase key government expenditures and raise pensions by 50 percent in case of his victory in the February 18 election. He also reaffirmed the main tenets of his and his party’s foreign policy agenda. In particular, he again pledged to recognize Nagorno-Karabakh as an independent state.
Meanwhile, former Prime Minister Hrant Bagratian held his first gathering in Verin Artashat, a village, about 30 kilometers south Yerevan. He sounded supremely confident of his election chances at a meeting with local residents. He promised to ensure, if elected, much greater government assistance to agriculture.
“I will intensify [my campaign] like a snowball throughout the country,” Bagratian said. “I will do everything to get this country back on its feet.”
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Hrant Dink Commemorated in Istanbul
IST ANBUL -- Turkish-Armenian journalist Hrant Dink was commemorated on Saturday on the 6th anniversary of his murder.
A large crowd attended a ceremony held outside the offices of his Agos weekly in Istanbul, carrying banners that read "We are all Hrant, we are all Armenians" and laying carnations and lighting candles at the very spot Dink was shot dead on January 19, 2007.
"We are here today with our grief and honor. We are here today for justice and righteousness," his wife, Rakel Dink told the crowd.
American linguist and philosopher Noam Chomsky
also attended the commemoration. Chomsky was in Turkey to participate in "the 2013 Hrant Dink Human Rights and Freedom of
Expression" conference hosted by Istanbul's Bogazici University. A juvenile court in Istanbul sentenced in July 2011 the gunman in Dink's murder, Ogun Samast, to
nearly 23 years in prison. A separate Istanbul court sentenced Yasin Hayal, another suspect in the slaying, to life in prison
for instigating the murder but it stopped short of convicting him on the charges of acting under orders from a wider criminal network which had been suspected of involving high level state officials, police and military officers.
The court acquitted Erhan Tuncel, a second suspected instigator, of charges of being involved in the suspected criminal network.
The European Court of Human Rights ruled in September 2010 that Turkey had failed to protect Dink's right to life.
Last week a chief prosecutor asked for the annulment of the Dink verdict arguing that the murder involved "an organized attempt."
"The murder was not just an ordinary killing of a person. The act had the intention to destroy the unity of the Turkish state and create chaos in the society. Dink's murder was an organized assassination," the chief prosecutor from the Turkish Court of Appeals, said in a petition for re-trial of the suspects.
Armenian Air Defenses Will Ensure Safety of Stepanakert Airport
“The Armenian air defense system will ensure the security of the civilian aircrafts flying from Stepanakert,” Armenian Defense Minister Seyran Ohnayan told a press conference on Saturday, adding that “the threats of Azerbaijan contradict the international civil aviation norms.”
As for the possibility of resumption of military actions, the Minister said the threat is still there, but the analysis of the situation shows that the possibility of war is not probable at this point.
By shooting down civilian planes heading from the Stepanakert airport, Azerbaijan will provoke a new war over Karabakh, stated David Babayan, a spokesperson for the Nagorno-Karabakh president.
According to him, the legalization of such a measure by the country's government is yet another proof that Armenia faces an abnormal neighbor suffering from morbid fantasies.
Babayan noted that the Nagorno-Karabakh Republic (NKR) is not going to step back from the decision to operate the airport.
“We are not going to step back from our decision of course, regardless of Aliyev’s behavior. We are capable of ensuring the security of our air space and the entire Karabakh in general,” he said.
Babayan noted that a decision to shoot down civilian aircrafts is peculiar only to a country preaching fascism.
“To me, the decision adopted by their government is the most blatant manifestation of fascism and Armenophobia. A state has to be abnormal to adopt such a decision on its government level. That’s nothing but terrorism,” he said.
Babayan added that it is important for both Armenia and Nagorno-Karabakh to raise the question in all international tribunals.
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Ragip Zarakolu: Turkey Continues to Violate the Rights of Armenian People
YEREVAN -- “Armenia did its utmost to normalize the relations with Turkey, it was impossible to make more concessions,” Turkish publisher Ragip Zarakolu said at a discussion on “The Turkish view on the Karaabkh conflict” initiated by the “Civilitas” foundation. “Turkey, in turn, did its best to frustrate the process,” he added.
Zarakolu founded his own Begle publishing house in Istanbul in 1976, where he published a number of books on the harassment against national minorities in Turkey, as well as the Armenian Genocide.
The Belge Publishing House established by Zarakolu and his wife Aysenur, has always been a focus for Turkish censorship.
Charges brought against the couple resulted in imprisonment for both Aysenur and Ragip Zarakolu, the wholesale confiscation and destruction of books and the imposition of heavy fines.
In 1995 the Belge Publishing House offices were firebombed by a far right group, forcing it to be housed in a cellar. Since his wife’s death in 2002, Zarakolu continued to face further prosecutions.
“The Pan-Turkic positions are still strong in my country, and they affect the Armenian- Turkish relations,” Zarakolu said.
“Instead of redeeming the sins of the past, Turkey is trying to interfere with the Karabakh issue and impose its position. What’s interesting is that by supporting Azerbaijan, Turkey is attempting to become a party in an issue it has nothing to do with and raise the Karabakh issue in international structures with a view of pressuring the right of the people of Artsakh to self- determination. At the same time Turkey wants to deprive Armenia of the right to interfere with the Karabakh settlement process. This is a vivid example of Turkey’s double-faced policy,” Zarakolu declared in Yerevan.
According to the publisher, by adopting a correct position Turkey would contribute to the settlement of the Karabakh issue. However, Turkey’s practice of setting preconditions speaks of the fact that the pan-Turkic sentiments are still there. Besides, let’s not forget that there is a string Azerbaijani lobby in Turkey,” the publisher said.
“Turkey frustrated the Armenian-Turkish protocols as it did in 1990s. This attitude of Turkey is becoming dangerous to the Caucasian region. Turkey is conducting an adventurist policy on the Syrian issue, as well. It should change its policy and act for the sake of peace in the region. The civilized society is the only hope of change in the country. The ice on the Genocide issue has started to melt inside the Turkish society. We must work to have the Turkish public separate the Genocide issue from the Nagorno Karabakh conflict,” he added.
Ragip Zarakolu said he feels shame for Turkey’s behavior. “Turkey signifies the issue of its own security, but creates serious threats for Armenia’s security by keeping the shared border closed. In this situation I admire the courageous and self-confident stance of Armenia. Your country has become a unique island in the region, which heroically survives,” Zarakolu said.
“There is a thick folder with the sins Turkey has committed against the Armenian people. Instead of redeeming the sins of the past, Turkey continues to violate the rights of the Armenian people, the Turkish publisher said.
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U.S.-Armenia Cooperative Effort to Establish an Armenian Nuclear Forensics Lab
YEREVAN -- On January 18, US Ambassador John A. Heffern joined officials from the Armenian Ministry of Energy and National Security Service to open the Armenian Nuclear Forensics Laboratory at the Armenian Nuclear Power Plant (ANPP). The U.S. Department of State’s Preventing Nuclear Smuggling Program (PNSP) partnered with the ANPP to establish a Laboratory for Technical and Forensic Analysis of Nuclear and Radioactive Materials as part of a joint effort to strengthen Armenian capabilities to respond to the transnational threat of nuclear smuggling.
The laboratory will allow Armenia to collect nuclear and radiologically contaminated evidence at crime scenes and perform technical analysis necessary to support the prosecution of smugglers. New opportunities will arise for Armenia to cooperate with governments investigating illicit uses of nuclear material. Additionally, the facility will advance aspects of the 2010 Nuclear Security
Summit work plan discussed at the 2012 summit in the Republic of Korea. Possible nuclear smuggling through Armenian territory has for years been a source of U.S. concerns that apparently stem, in large measure, from the country’s proximity to Iran. The U.S.
government has supplied Armenian border guard and customs services with U.S.-made radio- communication systems, border sensors, metal detectors, cargo truck scales, and X-ray devices over the past decade.
PNSP is a U.S. Department of State Bureau of International Security and Nonproliferation, Office of Weapons of Mass Destruction Terrorism (ISN/WMDT) program. PNSP is working globally to counter nuclear smuggling. Improving nuclear forensics best practices and cooperation enables countries to counter nuclear smuggling by furthering their ability to determine material origin and prosecuting smugglers.
Turkish Embassy Staff Attack
Dink Protestors in London
LONDON -- On January 18, the eve of the anniversary of the 2007 murder of journalist Hrant Dink in Istanbul, Mr. Eilian Williams, leader of the Cardiff organization “Solidarity with the Victims of All Genocides”, and one of his colleagues were physically attacked by the members of the Turkish Embassy in London when they wanted to deliver a letter of protest to the Ambassador Ahmet Ünal Çeviköz.
The embassy staff refused to accept the letter and one of its members attacked Ellian Williams. Mr. Williams’ clothes were torn and a police officer had to intervene to prevent things from escalating. Mr. Williams was then expelled from the embassy. In his letter, Williams Eilian called on Turkey's ambassador to answer the question: Who kills the Armenians in Istanbul?; referring to an article by Jenny White published on January 11 at Boston University.
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Friends of UCLA Armenian Studies to Honor Prof. Richard Hovannisian
Event Will Benefit Expansion of Armenian Language and Culture Studies
LOS ANGELES -- The Friends of the UCLA Armenian Language and Culture Studies will honor Professor Emeritus
Richard Hovannisian at its 11th annual banquet, which will be held on the evening of Saturday, March 16, at the Armenian Society of Los Angeles Hall, in Glendale, California.
One of the world’s foremost Armenian scholars, Hovannisian will be presented with the Narekatsi Medal of Achievement during the banquet, in recognition of his outstanding contributions to Armenian historiography, Armenian studies as a whole, and the defense of human and civic rights.
“It is a distinct privilege to confer the Narekatsi Medal on Dr. Hovannisian,” said Hasmig Baran, president of the Friends of the UCLA Armenian Language and Culture Studies. “His pioneering research, extraordinary erudition, and passionate activism have inspired generations of students to embrace Armenian studies as a rich, vibrant discipline.”
Hovannisian has taught at UCLA for 50 years, starting in 1962. He was the first holder of the university’s Armenian Educational Foundation Endowed Chair in Modern Armenian History, which he served from 1987 until his retirement in 2011.
The chair has since been renamed the Richard Hovannisian Chair in Modern Armenian History. Hovannisian is the author of several landmark volumes on modern Armenian history, as well as the organizer of the UCLA conference series “Historic Armenian Cities and Provinces,” launched in 1999. Hovannisian is also a Guggenheim Fellow and the recipient of many awards,
including the Movses Khorenatsi Medal. The March 16 banquet will kick off with a cocktail reception and book exhibit, followed by
dinner and culminating in the award-conferment program. Steered by Master of Ceremonies Alice Petrossian, the program will feature a short film on Hovannisian’s life and works; a live interview with the honoree, conducted by Ara Khachatourian, English-section editor of Asbarez; as well as remarks by Hasmig Baran; S. Peter Cowe, Narekatsi Professor of Armenian Studies at UCLA; Professor David Myers, chairperson of the UCLA History Department; Speros Vryonis, UCLA professor emeritus of history; and the honoree’s son, Armen Hovannisian, in addition to remarks delivered by Richard Hovannisian himself. The program will include a performance by violinist Mari Haig.
Proceeds from the event will benefit the Narekatsi Chair in Armenian Studies and its Visiting Professorship Program, through which outstanding visiting professors are hired yearly to both augment and complement Armenian-studies courses offered by resident experts.
“In the past three decades, UCLA has become one of the globe’s primary centers for Armenian studies,” said Professor S. Peter Cowe, who has led the Narekatsi Chair since 2000. “This singular achievement is due equally to the intellectual curiosity of students, the ability of professors such as Dr. Hovannisian to inspire and help prepare fresh cadres of young scholars, and the support of the Armenian community, as exemplified by the Friends of the UCLA Armenian Language and Culture Studies.”
Contact information: (323) 668-2609 or (818) 249-3330.
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REMEMBERING HRANT DINK IN TORONTO
Professor Taner Akcam
The sixth anniversary commemoration of Hrant Dink’s assassination took place at the Toronto Armenian Community Centre on January 20, 2013, organized by the Bolsahay Cultural Association and the Hamazkaine Toronto. After a video presentation about Hrant Dink, talented young Toronto soprano Lynn Anoush Isnar sang Komitas’ Andouni and Dle Yaman. Then, Raffi Bedrosyan presented Hrant Dink’s vision and impact on Armenians and Turks, explaining the need for direct dialogue between the two peoples, provided there is awareness of all the historic facts as well as willingness to listen. He gave information about the work of the Hrant Dink Foundation activities and then introduced the keynote speaker, historian Taner Akcam from Clark
University. Prof. Akcam described the historic clash between Turkish and Armenian identities, and how the creation of the Turkish republic and Turkish identity in Anatolia was based on the elimination of the Armenian identity in Anatolia. He then explained the need and ways of molding a new Turkish identity which could co-exist with the Armenian identity, which eventually would lead to acknowledgment of the 1915 Armenian genocide. He also stressed the need for more contact and dialogue between Armenian Diaspora and Turkish civil society, academia and media.
Raffi Bedrosyan
Commemorations also took place in various cities in Turkey, in Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir, Diyarbakir, Malatya and Bodrum, attended by tens of thousands people. The protests against the state inability or unwillingness in finding Hrant Dink’s real killers behind the scenes and the demands for justice continue unabated, and in fact, have gained momentum in Turkey and worldwide.
Raffi Bedrosyan
Gor Sujyan Will Represent Armenia at Eurovision 2013
YEREVAN -- The Armenian representative at Eurovision 2013 has been chosen: It’s Gor Sujyan! The 25-year-old musician, who is the lead singer of the band Dorians, has already participated in the Eurovision Song Contest in 2010 as a backing vocalist of Eva Rivas.
The Eurovision Production Team of the Public Television of Armenia has internally selected Gor Sujyan, who is the lead singer of the rock band Dorians.
Gor Sujyan is the one of the most popular rock singer in Armenia, and he is famous for his unique voice. In 2010 he was crowned “The best male singer” in the annual Armenian National Music Awards. Earlier, Eurovision.tv reported that the song to represent Armenia in Malmö would be chosen in a national final on the 2nd of March. Gor
Sujyan will sing all the songs, and in the end, the winning entry will be chosen by a combined vote of the TV public and an expert jury.
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Italian City Recognizes Armenian Genocide
BARI, ITALY -- An official opening and blessing ceremony of Armenian khachkar was held in Italy’s Bari on January 11. The khachkar was built 11 years ago by architect Ashot Grigoryan.
The opening of the khachkar was delayed several times for a number of reasons, but this year, thanks to the City Hall of Bari, and the efforts of the local Armenian Ruben Timuryan the khachkar was placed in one of the most important squares of Bari, near the main harbor.
Interestingly, the khachkar is put on the same shore where many thousands of Armenians entered Italy during the years of the Armenian Genocide.
It was a surprise for everyone, when Bari’s mayor presented to the representative or Armenian embassy documents recognizing Armenian Genocide, with which Bari became the 70th city of Italy to recognize Armenian Genocide.
Ancient Armenia – It’s More Interesting Than You May Think...
By April Knecht
Now, before you roll your eyes and flash back to that horribly boring freshman history class you were forced to take, work with me! I’m the one who has to live with a few cold hard truths on a daily basis: when it comes to history, there is always more to learn... and almost everything is more interesting than it may initially seem.
Take, for example, that the Armenia of today bears little resemblance to the Armenia of antiquity. And before a few intricately designed, and delicately struck Armenian Crusader State coins arrived freshly recovered from a small patch of land being cleared for farming, I really hadn’t thought much about the Armenia of antiquity.
Of course, at this point you may be asking yourself, “Who does?”
Well, as it turns out, the ancient state of Armenia had a profound effect on two empires you may be more familiar with: the Greeks and the Romans, and, consequently, the world in which we live right now. Unlike the Armenia of today, which is land-locked between Georgia to the north, Azerbaijan to the east, Turkey to the west and Iran to the south, by the first Century BC, the ancient Armenian Kingdom of Cilicia controlled vast tracks of the Levant region – including most of modern Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Israel, Cyprus, southern Turkey, northwestern Iraq and the Sinai Peninsula.
In 83 BC, the Greek aristocracy took note of this expansion, and of the Armenian king Tigranes the Great. These Greeks were hanging on to Seleukid Syria by the skin of their teeth. The Romans were annexing countries and empires like we acquire properties in the first few rounds of Monopoly, and the Greeks knew that they were on the path to becoming the next “Boardwalk” or “Park Place.” So, they decided join Tigranes, who conquered Phoenicia and Cilicia, and ended the Seleukid Empire. Confused? Just think: now Tigranes and his new Greek buddies own 250 miles or so of prime coastal real estate right along the Mediterranean from what is now southern Turkey to Alexandretta.
And it probably won’t surprise you to hear that the newly-formed Cilician Armenia spent the next 1,000 years or so fighting all comers. Which brings us back to those pesky Romans. Despite the fact that Cilician Armenia was able to conquer lands from northeastern Turkey to Mesopotamia; from the Caspian Sea to the Mediterranean, they were no match for the Roman military machine. In 27 BC, the Roman Empire conquered Cilicia and transformed it into yet another eastern province. And when the Roman Empire split in two in 395 AD, Cilicia was incorporated into the newly formed Eastern Roman, or Byzantine, Empire.
Next came seven centuries of wars. From the Byzantines, to the Turks, to the Muslim Turks to the State of Antioch to the south, Cilician Armenia was under attack on every border. But one thing remained the same. Whether they were conquered, or conquerors, the Armenians were leaders – military leaders and provincial rulers who maintained both political and military power in a part of the world that is, to this day, an often violent hotbed of political and religious strife.
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Which brings us to 1080 AD, and the story of those Armenian Crusaders’ coins that are now sitting on my desk. By 1080 AD, a band of Armenian troops, fortified by Armenian lords and nobles, staged a coup against the Byzantine Empire and founded the independent Kingdom of Cilician Armenia. Once again, the Armenians were in complete control of some of the most valuable real estate in the known world.
Real estate that was about to play a key role in world events.
On November 27,1095, Pope Urban II decided to help out Byzantine Emperor Alexios I Komnenos, who was requesting an army of western volunteers to help drive invading Turks from Byzantine held territory. But the Pope and Roman Catholic Europe was ready to go one step further – the recapturing of Jerusalem and the Holy Land – and the liberation of eastern Christians from Islamic rule.
And that one step further would, by necessity, take the Crusaders right through Cilician Armenia. Now, the Armenian leadership was Christian. In fact, their king at the time was named Constantine, in honor of the Roman Emperor who made Christianity the state religion. So when the Frankish crusader leader Godfrey de Bouillon came knocking, every leadership instinct bred and born in Constantine told him that this was the moment – a once-in-a-lifetime opportunity – to eliminate the last thorns in his side and solidify his new kingdom.
Those thorns? The Turks... and those same Byzantines who had appealed to the Pope for help.
Political and military expediency being what it is, Godfrey and Constantine became instant fast friends and allies... despite the Byzantine’s request for help from the Pope. The Crusaders were happy to help their new friends give the Byzantines and Turks the boot, and to establish the friendly Crusader states of Antioch, Edessa and Tripoli as supportive, non-threatening-to-Cilician- Armenia neighbors. In exchange, the Armenians became the Crusaders staunchest supporters. In fact, Pope Gregory XIII, looking back in time from the early 1500’s said of Cilician Armenia:
“Among the good deeds which the Armenian people have done towards the church and the Christian world, it should especially be stressed that, in those times when the Christian princes and the warriors went to retake the Holy Land, no people or nation, with the same enthusiasm, joy and faith came to their aid as the Armenians did, who supplied the Crusaders with horses, provision and guidance. The Armenians assisted these warriors with their utter courage and loyalty during the Holy wars.”
The coins of this Crusader state are stunning. Now conserved, they are a rich toned copper with the Crusader’s Cross declaring to the world their new alliance. Medieval script adorns the edges, evoking the names of the Armenian kings of antiquity.
But beyond these quarter-sized coins, Cilician Armenia speaks to our modern world in many ways. The influence of western Crusader nobles was so potent that Armenia became a center of European culture and influence in the Middle East. Titles, jousts and tournaments became popular, and French Christian names became common. This western influence created trade and cultural exchanges that survives today. But what Armenia gave the West is even more interesting to me, and it may be to you, too: your classic fairy-tale type castles. Yep, Crusaders returning to Europe brought with them centuries of Eastern architectural traditions learned at the feet of Armenian masons and builders. Featuring curved walls and round towers perched on dizzying heights, if you love a wonderfully romantic round-towered French or German castle, you have Cilician Armenia to thank for it. And those turreted, fortified castles changed European warfare and impacted the creation and leadership of modern European states. Hmm... pretty interesting...
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The Hrant Dink turning point: uneasiness and awareness
by Alin Ozinian*
*Alin Ozinian is an independent analyst.
20 January 2013
Two elderly women have been attacked in İstanbul within the last two months, one of them was sent home from the hospital after a short stay; she lost one of her eyes. The other victim was not so lucky. She was stabbed, her throat was slit and a cross was marked on her body using a knife, she died at home where she was attacked. Both women were Armenian and more than 80 years old. Since the beginning, the police treated the offenses as robberies rather than hate crimes and urged neighbors to remain discreet on the
matter vis-à-vis media inquiries; however, the photos published after the attacked proved that these were not just ordinary offenses. Subsequent to these two incidents, more attacks took place against Armenian women living in Samatya, some of which were covered by the media and others which remain unresolved. More recently, things have become more complicated after the murder of a Turk who was teaching at an Armenian school in Kadıköy. A police investigation revealed that the last text message sent from the murdered teacher’s mobile phone was addressed to his Armenian friends celebrating Christmas. Right from the beginning, the police treated the murder of the teacher who was mercilessly stabbed to death as an ordinary crime and opted to share the Christmas message with the press.
The overall mood prevalent among Armenians after the murder of Hrant Dink in 2007 is not healthy. According to data by the Ministry of Justice, more than 600 graveyards, places of worship and properties of non-Muslims have been vandalized during the period between 2006 and 2011. The legal investigation into the death of Armenian youngster Sevag Şahin Balıkçı who was “wrongfully” killed during his military service in Batman on April 24, 2011 is still underway; the suspect is being prosecuted. In October 2011, an Armenian woman was beaten on the street by a taxi driver who labeled her as an infidel and told her to leave this country; the woman reported the incident and the taxi plate number to authorities; however, the perpetrator still remains at large. In summer 2011, an Armenian woman who was selling silversmith work in Marmaris was threatened and insulted by small business owners in the city. The police did not initiate any process. The woman had to leave Turkey and settle in Belgium. The Armenian press has been publishing stories where they place emphasis upon the reluctance of Turkish authorities to properly investigate these offenses and crimes without running extensive and detailed inquiries, with the stories stressing that this is particularly worrisome for the Armenians in Turkey. Unfortunately, every Armenian killed, insulted or embarrassed in Turkey creates justification and opportunity for some circles in Armenia and the Diaspora to prove their argument that a Turk will always remain a Turk.
Hate crimes
Armenians in Turkey who are brave enough to make comments on these incidents stress that they are concerned about what has been going on. We all know that we are living in a country where people face hate crimes because of their political views, religious beliefs, ethnic or cultural roots, gender, sexual orientations and preferences. Some wise people have called on the government to fight against hate crimes. A hate crime refers to an incident in which a person is targeted due to the social group they are perceived to belong to, including based on race, religion, gender and sexual orientation. However crime, as a whole, covers all acts that are banned and punished. At the same time, it refers to an act punishable under the law. If a crime is committed against an Armenian just because he or she is of Armenian origin, however, it is not punished just because the victim is an Armenian, then this cannot be considered a hate crime in Turkey. As long as repeated acts committed against the same group are not punished, then it ceases to be a crime and turns into the standard treatment of a smaller community by the larger community. Sadly, the Armenians have been leading a restricted life in these lands since the foundation of the republic. They have been intimidated by different methods at different times. Their economic assets and properties have been seized by mandatory taxes levied exclusively upon them; and their remaining properties were looted and pillaged during the Sept. 6-7, 1955 incidents. Laws were introduced to ensure that they could not assume public posts, and
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their promotion was mostly hindered in the private sectors by the arbitrary decisions of their superiors. Their native language was indirectly banned in the public sphere. Through restrictions upon minority schools, the Armenian language has become a strange instrument for Armenian children. The same kids who have been constantly warned to be careful and stay off the roads were also given Turkish names so that they would not encounter any serious problems in social life and military service. International political problems were reflected upon the daily lives of Armenians; and they had to bear the brunt of the Armenian genocide bills adopted in other countries. They, in consideration of periodical news reports indicating that there are lists of Armenians who were converted to Islam, sometimes have felt that it is dangerous to be an Armenian in Turkey.
Unfortunately, Armenians have lived in Turkey in a state of extreme caution; sadly, the murders of Armenian people I referred to above are some of many in Turkey. There are many unresolved murders of Armenians whose properties were seized or left to their Turkish neighbors after their deaths. Theft, insults, discrimination and other degrading treatments of Armenians are also prevalent. It is also likely that İlker Şahin, the murdered teacher, was picked as a target because the perpetrators thought that he was an Armenian. It is not hard to estimate that the teachers serving in the Armenian schools did not get the approval of their Turkish relatives for their venue of employment and that they could even be threatened for their service. The threats and intimidating messages disseminated in predominantly Armenian districts are also not new. On Feb. 26, 2012, the interior minister walked by insulting placards reading, “You Armenians; you are all sons of [expletive],” in a rally protesting the Khojaly Massacre. Armenians have always remained intimidated and cautious in Turkey; they have ignored many insults; those who were unable to bear this left the country. Those who stayed believed that they would not be able to make it abroad. But they adopted a more secluded life in their homeland. So why do Armenians now say that they are concerned and scared as if this is happening to them for the first time? In an interview with Hrant, he said to me: “The importance of Agos is not appreciated now; someday, people will get how important it is. Agos will be a milestone.” I did not understand what he meant. Now I do. Many things have changed since the introduction of Agos. The desires and dreams of Hrant have come true. Armenians started to reappear in the public sphere. However, the Armenian community experienced a different transformation after Hrant’s death. Hrant’s emphasis upon the problems of Armenians in the media was a huge step forward. His murder has become a milestone for Armenians.
Hrant remained positive...
The mentality that views Armenians as eternal enemies might have upheld that it would preserve its historical stance after his death and silence this minority; however, the case has been pretty different. Hrant’s family, his friends and his students have never felt intimidated and scared. Hrant’s paper has stayed decisive to defending the rights of the Armenians; the number of Agos readers did not decline. Those who worked with Hrant, those who met him and those who followed him have tried to take part in his cause after his death.
If he had been alive, Hrant would have attended the funeral of that old Armenian woman and offered his condolences to her relatives without paying attention to the looks of civilian police officers inside and outside the church. Unlike the priest addressing the congregation at the church who said, “Do not believe the rumors; we trust the police officers; they are working for us.” Unlike the representative of the Patriarchate who would tell the journalists that these were not crimes of hatred, he would indeed stress that these were crimes of hatred. He would say, “This is a crime of hatred; these people feel the need to destroy everybody who does not look like themselves; and this does not include Armenians only.” He would stress that Turkey needs to adopt its own bill on hate crimes. He would not be scared; he would know that people should not remain silent in order to ensure that no more people are murdered. I wish Hrant was not gone. I wish he could have seen the transformation in the Armenian community. I wish he could have witnessed that they have accepted the fact that they are concerned and scared and that they should not hide their identity anymore.
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Turkey Claims Non-Turkish Antiquities By Intimidating Foreign Museums
By Harut Sassounian Publisher, The California Courier The Turkish government has recently embarked on an aggressive campaign, pressuring a large number of European
and American museums to return antiquities that were taken out of the country during Ottoman times. While it is understandable that nations would want to recover ancient relics that were part of their patrimony, in the
Turkish case there are certain anomalies that merit closer scrutiny. If these valuable relics were taken out of Turkey in recent times without proper authorization, one could argue that
the Turkish government is perhaps entitled to them, even though they emanate from ancient civilizations that predate the conquest of that part of the world by Ottoman Turks.
It is ironic that the country claiming these antiquities is one of the history’s biggest looters and pilferers of other nations’ cultural heritage such as churches, monasteries, monuments, and schools belonging to Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks. One must have clean hands before having the audacity of accusing others of theft.
Most shocking of all, the Turkish government is preparing a lawsuit against the British Museum in the European Court of Human Rights based on Article 1 of the First Protocol of the European Convention on Human Rights which states: "Every natural or legal person is entitled to the peaceful enjoyment of his possessions."
According to an article by Ceylan Yeginsu in the International Business Times (IBT), using human rights laws to recover antiquities is a novel concept never before used by any country. It is incredible that one of the biggest violators of human rights in the world is getting ready to sue the British Museum ostensibly for violating the rights of Turkish citizens.
Turkey is planning to file this lawsuit on January 30 to reclaim the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus, "one of the Seven Wonders of the ancient world." The British Museum, however, argues that it had not misappropriated this ancient relic. Olivia Rickman, press and PR manager of the Museum, told IBT that the sculptures from the Mausoleum of Halicarnassus in the Museum’s collection were acquired in 1846, 1857 and 1859. Rickman further states that "these pieces were acquired during the course of two British initiatives, both with firmans [legal permits issued by the Ottoman authorities] that granted permission for the excavation of the site and removal of the material from the site (1857 and 1859) and Bodrum Castle (1846) to the British Museum."
IBT quoted Charlotte Woodhead, an expert in cultural heritage law at the University of Warwick in England, stating that she was not aware of human rights legislation ever being used before to reclaim such objects. "If a claim is brought before the European Court of Human Rights, it will be interesting to see on what basis it is argued and also to see what the outcome is," Woodhead stated.
Turkey has also used an Ottoman law banning the export of artifacts in order to claim ownership of ancient artifacts from major museums around the globe, such as the Louvre in Paris, the Getty in Los Angeles, New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Cleveland Museum of Art, and Harvard’s Dumbarton Oaks. If Turkey can claim Ottoman-era assets, then it must be held responsible for Ottoman-era liabilities such as plunder, territorial conquest, and genocide!
By filing such questionable lawsuits, Turkey’s real intent is to intimidate foreign museums into returning the claimed artifacts. If the museums do not cave in to Turkish pressure and refuse to turn over these items, it would be interesting to see if the Turkish government would still go ahead with its threatened lawsuits. The big risk for Turkey is that if the courts reject its claims, no museum would ever agree to return any of the demanded antiquities.
However, should a foreign museum wish to return an ancient relic to Turkey, it should make it conditional on the Turkish government officially identifying the true origin of the object, such as Hittite, Roman, Greek, Armenian or Assyrian. This is necessitated by the fact that Turkey has omitted all references to the origin of ancient Armenian churches and monuments from inscriptions presently affixed to the entrance of these sites.
Turkish efforts to reclaim antiquities from the world’s great museums provide a unique opportunity for Armenians to publicize the Turkey’s misuse and outright destruction of thousands of Armenian churches, monasteries, schools, cemeteries and castles.
Armenians should petition the European Court of Human Rights, objecting to the return of any artifacts to Turkey, unless its government makes a legally binding pledge to preserve and identify all remaining Armenian monuments on its territory. The next step would be to demand that Turkey return the more than 2,000 churches to the Armenian Patriarchate of Istanbul. Mr. Harut Sassounian, 62, suffered a brain stroke last week. He is now out of the hospital, but his right foot is disabled. He continues to write his weekly columns.
We are sorry to hear that you are having health issue. Our thoughts and prayers are with you, wishing you a steady and speedy recovery.
Loussapatz
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FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE DATE: January 21, 2013
Contact: Deborah Hay Tel: 416-250-9807
PRESS RELEASE
“The Asia Minor Catastrophe and the Ottoman Greek Genocide” A New Book Edited by George Shirinian of the Zoryan Institute
The Asia Minor Catastrophe and the Ottoman Greek Genocide: Essays on Asia Minor, Pontos, and Eastern Thrace, 1913–1923 edited by George N. Shirinian, Executive Director of the Zoryan Institute, is a compilation of innovative papers given by distinguished scholars at two academic conferences organized by the Asia Minor and Pontos Hellenic Research Center in Chicago. “...our knowledge of the catastrophic events affecting millions of people caught up in the huge political and social transformation connected with the dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the rise of the Turkish Republic has not received the scholarly attention it deserves. Even the best studied of these tragic events, ‘The Armenian Genocide,’ has been deprived of a certain panoramic contextualization of a tragedy which touched profoundly the lives of several other religious and ethnic groups, such as the Greeks and Assyrians,” observed Theofanis G. Stavrou, Professor of History at the University of Minnesota.
This book and its careful treatment of the Greek experience within the broader genocide of the Christian minorities in the Ottoman Empire aims to fill a gap in the scholarly literature on the Greek Genocide and is one of the
first to treat the genocidal experiences of the Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks in a comparative manner and as an integrated history. As Prof. Roger W. Smith, Chair of Zoryan’s Academic Board, has written, “Only the comparative approach can yield carefully delimited generalizations about the nature and mechanics of genocide as a general problem of humanity.”
The studies presented in this groundbreaking book are thoroughly documented and include revealing and previously unpublished American diplomatic reports on the destruction of Smyrna. In addition to the historical chapters, essays explore such subjects as the multigenerational effects of the Greek Genocide and the difficulties of Asia Minor refugee identity in Greece, Turkey’s present day obligations under the Treaty of Lausanne, and the challenges of obtaining recognition for the Ottoman genocides. A list of the contents is given below.
Professor Vahakn N. Dadrian, Zoryan’s Director of Genocide Research, writes, “This book makes a valuable contribution to our understanding of the Greek experience of genocide during the early part of the twentieth century and its aftermath. It shows how interrelated were the experiences of the Armenians, Assyrians, and Greeks during the end of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of the Turkish Republic.”
The contributors to the book are: George N. Shirinian: Introduction Tessa Hofmann : The Genocide against the Christians in the Late Ottoman Period, 1912–1922 Taner Akçam: The Greek Deportations and Massacres of 1913–1914: A Trial Run for the Armenian Genocide Matthias Bjørnlund: The Persecution of Greeks and Armenians in Smyrna, 1914–1916: A Special Case in the Course of the Late Ottoman Genocides Harry J. Psomiades: Greece in Asia Minor: The Greek Naval Bombardment of Samsun [Amisos], June 7, 1922 Constantine G. Hatzidimitriou: The Destruction of Smyrna in 1922: American Sources and Turkish Responsibility Alexander Kitroeff: Asia Minor Refugees in Greece: A History of Identity and Memory, 1920s–1980s Van Coufoudakis: From Lausanne (1923) to Cyprus (2009): Turkey’s Violations of International Law and the Destruction of Historic Hellenic Communities Robert J. Pranger: U.S. Policy Obstacles in Recognizing the Genocides of Christian Minorities in the Late Ottoman Empire: Challenges and Opportunities
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George N. Shirinian, editor of the book, commented, “The contributors to this volume and the Asia Minor and Pontos Hellenic Research Center hope that this wide-ranging collection of studies helps bring a measure of understanding and openness to the discussion of the Greek Genocide. This is a story of great human tragedy and suffering, of great power politics and miscalculation. By promoting awareness of this history, we hope to prevent the recurrence of another, ‘Great Catastrophe.’”
To order a copy for yourself, as a gift, or to help sponsor a book to be placed in university libraries, please contact the Zoryan office, 416-250-9807, zoryan@zoryaninstitute.org. The book’s price is $40. The Zoryan Institute is the parent organization of the International Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, which runs an annual, accredited university program on the subject and is co-publisher of Genocide Studies and Prevention: An International Journal in partnership with the International Association of Genocide Scholars and the University of Toronto Press. It is the first non-profit, international center devoted to the research and documentation of contemporary issues with a focus on Genocide, Diaspora and Armenia. For more information please contact the Zoryan Institute by email zoryan@zoryaninstitute.org or telephone 416-250-9807.
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