Armenian News,,, A Topalian 5 editorials

MediaMax, Armenia

Oct 22 2019

EU to assist Armenia with education reforms

Ambassador Wiktorin has remarked that education is a priority sector for EU and the union is ready to assist Armenia with implementation of relevant reforms.

The parties have agreed that the EU will help the government to complete the drafting of the reform strategy.

Arayik Harutyunyan and Andrea Wiktorin have also discussed the need to create mechanisms for strengthening cooperation in higher education and establish ties between universities, form a network of Erasmus+ alumni and the possibility of expanding the program into the public education system. 

EurasiaNet.org

Oct 22 2019

Armenian government gathers forces against senior judge

The chair of the constitutional court has become a primary target of the new authorities, and is now facing two separate criminal cases.

Ani Mejlumian

The Armenian government’s campaign against a senior judge connected to the former regime is accelerating, with two criminal cases opened against him and one of his former associates arrested. The moves have further heightened the rift in Armenia between those who believe the new government needs to remake the judiciary at any cost, and those who believe the new government is effectively repoliticizing the court. 

At the center of the battle is Hrair Tovmasyan, the chairman of the constitutional court. Tovmasyan is the last remaining senior member of the formerly ruling Republican Party of Armenia to hold power in the country; he was a former member of parliament and played a key role in rewriting the constitution that allowed Serzh Sargsyan to stay in office indefinitely by sliding from the president’s chair to that of the prime minister. That effort ultimately backfired, leading to mass protests that brought the current authorities to power. 

On October 4, the Armenian parliament voted overwhelmingly to call on the constitutional court to remove Tovmasyan. Parliament itself has no authority to remove a judge from the constitutional court; only other judges on the court can do it. But 10 days later, the court rejected parliament’s motion. 

Along with the political effort to oust him, Armenia’s law enforcement agencies have been pursuing legal cases against him. On October 17, the Special Investigative Service (SIS) launched a case investigating “usurpation of power” related to Tovmasyan’s appointment to the court in March 2018. 

The SIS said it was responding to a criminal report 

filed by Arman Babajanyan, an independent member of parliament formerly of the opposition Bright Armenia faction. Babajanyan alleged that Tovmasyan worked together with the Republican Party to ensure that he would take the judicial position just ahead of the new constitution coming into effect; the new constitution instituted stricter term limits for judges. 

Arsen Babayan, a former parliamentary staff member, was arrested on October 21, accused of aiding Tovmasyan in that scheme. 

The second investigation against Tovmasyan was launched by the National Security Service (NSS) into the judge’s personal wealth. The case has to do with renovations done on state properties carried out between 2012 and 2014, when he was justice minister, and allegations that state funds were stolen. 

In the course of that investigation Tovmasyan’s daughters were called in to the NSS for questioning and his father was visited by officers who wanted to ask about how his roof was repaired. 

A small group of Republican Party officials and loyalists protested in front of the NSS building while Tovmasyan’s daughters were being questioned on October 18. "It's a bogus political order,” the party’s deputy president, Eduard Sharmazanov, told reporters. 

Those claims were met with mockery by MPs of the new ruling party. 

“It turns out that the relatives of the officials also have immunity, that is, they cannot be invited for questioning, law enforcement officials should not approach them,” Vahagn Hovakimyan told RFE/RL.

“One day I will probably tell you what my family, father, mother, and wife went through as a result of my work in 2010-2018,” said Aren Mkrtchyan, another My Step MP and former activist, in a Facebook post. “Small- and medium-sized remnants of Serzh, let's remember who you were, with all the details. Just sit and don’t make a sound.” 

The campaign to dethrone Tovmasyan began in July when the government appointed to the constitutional court Vahe Grigoryan, an ally of the government and former prominent advocate in the fight for justice for protesters killed in 2008, in what became known as the “March 1” events. 

During Grigoryan’s confirmation in parliament he indicated that he did not accept Tovmasyan’s authority and attempted to displace him using a technicality based on a small difference in wordings in the old and new constitutions. 

The Venice Commission, a Council of Europe body advising members on legal issues, openly criticized Grigoryan’s bid and the parliament’s apparent support of it. 

“It was disturbing that this statement by the judge has been applauded in parliament and there might be a risk of interference with the mandates of the sitting judges,” the commission said in a statement. 

The issue of overthrowing Tovmasyan took a backseat for a few months but then seemed to be reactivated by a September 4 court ruling in favor of former president Robert Kocharyan, who is facing trial related to the March 1 events.  

Edmon Marukyan, the leader of the opposition Bright Armenia faction in parliament, criticized the campaign against Tovmasyan, arguing that it was a sideshow distracting from reforms that the country should be implementing. He further suggested that it appeared to be aimed at letting Grigoryan replace Tovmasyan. 

“For handling Tovmasyan’s case this way, Armenia will have to answer to the international community in Strasburg and so on,” he said on October 21, referring to the home of the European Court of Human Rights. “The chain of events related to this case as a whole will be seen as unlawful investigations against Tovmasyan and will be a weapon in the hands of other side,” the former government. Marukyan continued. “The involvement of NSS is unnecessary attention drawn on this case.”

Ani Mejlumyan is a reporter based in Yerevan.

JAM news

Oct 22 2019

Armenian PM ‘secretly doubles’ ministerial salaries

The government says “the process was a secret, therefore, this information is not subject to disclosure”

In July 2019, the Prime Minister of Armenia secretly ordered the salaries of ministers, deputy ministers and senior secretaries of the ministries to be raised.

Information about this appeared on the website of the online newspaper Hetq.

The administration of PM Nikol Pashinyan says they have already commented on the situation and stated that all “the processes were secret, therefore, this information is not subject to disclosure”.

Salary raises 

To verify the information about PM Nikol Pashinyan’s secret raise, Hetq sent written inquiries to some ministries about the number of employees and the salary fund from May to August.

It turned out that the Minister of Emergency Situations Felix Tsolakyan and the Minister of the Environment Eric Grigoryan received 6 million drams (about $12,630) over four months.

That is, their monthly salaries amounted to 1.5 million drams (approximately $3,157).

However, per the law “On Remuneration of Persons Holding State Positions”, the ministerial salary index is 12. That is, a minister’s salary is rated at the base salary amount – 66,140 drams ($139.54), multiplied by 12. Which is 793,680 AMD, or $1,670, including taxes.

Thus, the publication found that without amending the law on remuneration, by secret decision of the Prime Minister, the salary of ministers had doubled.

This also applies to the salaries of deputy ministers.

According to the index established by the law, the deputy minister’s salary is 562,160 drams (approximately $1,185).  However, after Pashinyan’s order, it grew to 1,062,000 AMD – about $2,230.

As for the senior secretaries of the ministries, they are now receiving 870,000 drams (approximately $1,835) instead of 595,260 ($1,255).

 Comments from the PM’s administration 

The situation concerning the pay raise has has already been commented on by the Prime Minister’s administration.

The acting head of the public relations department of the administration, Prime Minister Armen Khachatryan stated:

“We consider it necessary to note that these … officials provide information on income, expenses and property, which implies: this process was completely transparent.”

Political scientists and politicians sound off

Political analyst Gagik Hambaryan made a harsh statement:

“For one year, the unprofessional ministers of Pashinyan have not carried out such a volume of work for which they need to be paid 1,500,000 drams … Why did the salaries increase, what kind of professional personnel were included in the government, who … put their skills into the state system  management?”

Hambaryan accused the current authorities betraying their principles:

“The most heinous thing in Pashinyan’s act is that all this was done secretly.  What accountability can be spoken of here? What open and transparent work style is there to speak of? Compared to their predecessors, they are doing everything in a much more impudent manner.”

Political scientist Grant Melik-Shahnazaryan also believes that the prime minister’s statements and his actions diverge:

“In fact, Nikol Pashinyan is guided not by transparency and full responsibility to society, but by political expediency and his political plans.  That is, priority is not given to his declared values and approaches, but to what best suits the interests of Pashinyan’s political team.”

The head of the Prosperous Armenia parliamentary faction, oligarch Gagik Tsarukyan, stated that raising ministers’ salaries secretly from the people was an unacceptable step:

“If people see that such and such a minister is doing their job well, they feel the results of their work in their daily lives, and they can increase it by 10 times.  But to do it secretly is insulting both for deputies and for the people.  The word ‘secret’ after the revolution is unacceptable for us”, said Gagik Tsarukyan.

Reaction on social media 

Armenian Facebook users are avidly discussing the news – here are some of their comments:

“Please tell me how many years it will take older people who receive a pension to receive the amount of the monthly salary of one so-called minister? Or how about teachers? If you divide one minister’s salary by a teacher’s salary, how much will it be?”

“Let them also check how premiums were paid to the Ministry of Economy during the period From May-September!  There is a group of privileged people who receive bonuses more than their salary!”

“It’s a shame that they did it secretly.  After all, this was not a matter of state security.  Such things should be public, because we changed the last government because of this behavior.  People need to know how budget money is Being spent.”

“If in the end it turns out that this is all true, then it will be a terrible shame!  We fought for a transparent and honest government.”

Public Radio of Armenia

Oct 23 2019

Samuel Moorat Armenian College in Sevres attacked

The Samuel Moorat Armenian College in Sevres, France, has once again been attacked. 

Armenia’s Ambassador to France Hasmik Tolmajian has condemned this act of vandalism.

“We are gravely concerned about repeated vandalism against the Armenian Samuel College Moorat of Sèvres. These acts must not go unpunished,” the Ambassador said in a Twitter post.

The College in Sevres was once again attacked by an organized gang on January 2nd, 2019. 

The gang broke into the three central buildings of the college and smashed the doors and windows of the 24 rooms of the building with metal rods and stones.

Public Radio of Armenia

Oct 22 2019

Mastermind behind 1999 attack on Armenian Parliament applies for parole

Nairi Hunanyan, the man who led the terror attack on the Armenian parliament on October 27, 1999 and who has been serving a life-sentence since being convicted in 2003, has applied for parole, Arpenpress quotes Department of Corrections spokesperson Nona Navikyan as saying.

Hunanyan’s application requesting early release is being processed, she said. “That’s all I can say at this moment,” Navikyan said.

On October 27, 1999 five armed gunmen led by Hunanyan stormed into the parliament, while it was holding a session and assassinated Prime Minister Vazgen Sargsyan, Speaker Karen Demirchyan, Deputy Speakers Yuri Bakhshyan and Ruben Miroyan, as well as three lawmakers and a Cabinet member. The gunmen held the remaining MPs in parliament hostage until surrendering to authorities the next day.

The five perpetrators, which include Hunanyan’s younger brother and uncle, were sentenced to life in prison in 2003.