Armenian News... A Topalian... 12 editorials
ECNS, China
May 14 2019
Xi meets Armenian PM
Xinhua Editor : Wang Fan
Special: Conference on Dialogue of Asian Civilizations
Chinese President Xi Jinping on Tuesday met with Armenian Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, who is here to attend the Conference on Dialogue of Asian Civilizations.
Xi said China and Armenia, both having a long history of civilization, should promote mutual learning that will serve as a strong support for consolidating long-lasting friendship between the two countries as well as jointly building the Belt and Road, to inject new impetus into regional cooperation and development.
China stands ready to push forward bilateral cooperation and achieve more tangible results in various fields including trade and investment, mining, metal smelting, renewable energy as well as infrastructure construction, said Xi.
The two sides should strengthen cooperation on anti-terrorism, law enforcement and security, and jointly combat "three forces" of terrorism, separatism and extremism, Xi said.
Pashinyan said Armenia treats bilateral relationship from a strategic perspective and is willing to actively participate in the joint building of the Belt and Road.
Armenia is firmly committed to fighting terrorism, he added.
AMN Al-Masdar News
May 14 2019
Syrian President meets with Armenian religious delegation in Damascus, calls on Syrian-Armenians to return
Syrian President Bashar al-Assad received Catholicos Aram I Keshishian, head of the Catholicosate of the Great House of Cilicia of the Armenian Apostolic Church, in Damascus on Tuesday.
The Syrian President affirmed that Syria was and always will be the home to all of its people, regardless of religion or ethnicity, lauding the patriotic role of Syrian-Armenians who embody the values and meanings of citizenship, belonging, and national unity.
For his part, Catholicos Aram I said that Syria has been a safe haven and sanctuary for those who fled the horrors of the Ottoman massacres, and that the Syrian people have set a magnificent example of confronting the dark mentality and terrorist and exclusionist projects by adhering to their national identity and to Syria’s message of love, peace, and moderation.
The Catholicos asserted that the steadfastness of Syria’s people, the sacrifices of its army, and the wisdom of its leadership will doubtlessly result in victory and eliminating terrorism.
Panorama, Armenia
May 14 2019
Council of Europe to continue supporting the steps taken for strengthening democracy in Armenia - Natalia Voutova
Armenia highlights the cooperation with the Council of Europe, underlining that the cooperation with the CoE Office in Yerevan is laid on good bases, the Speaker of Armenian National Assembly (NA) Ararat Mirzoyan stated on Tuesday at the meeting with Natalia Voutova, the Head of the Council of Europe (CoE) Office in Yerevan.
As the press department at the parliament reported, Speaker Mirzoyan highly assessed the CoE support in the ongoing democratic reforms in Armenia: according to him, the dynamics of bilateral agenda is also satisfactory.
The interlocutors discussed the perspectives of the cooperation development between Armenia and the Council of Europe, touched upon the events being implemented within the framework of 2019-2022 Armenia-CoE Partnership Action Plan. The Head of the legislative body assured that all necessary steps would be taken in the complete implementation of the Action Plan.
Ararat Mirzoyan invited Natalia Voutova to take part in the parliamentary hearings titled Perspectives of Use of Transitional Justice Tools in Armenia.
The Head of the Council of Europe Office in Yerevan underlined the effective cooperation of Armenia with the CoE, noting that the Council of Europe would continue supporting the steps taken for the reforms being implemented in our country and strengthening democracy. The guest touched upon the necessity of the amendments to the Criminal and Criminal Procedure, Administrative Offences Codes and to a number of other laws and stressed the key role of the parliament in the process of other reforms. In this context she emphasized the ratification of Istanbul and Lanzarote Conventions by Armenia. Besides, Natalia Voutova conveyed to the President of the National Assembly the CoE commitment – to show the experts' support in the steps taken for the implementation of the transitional justice.
The sides have also agreed that the events aimed at the rise of public awareness are of key importance in the successful implementation of the reforms being planned and under process for the improvement of legislation of different spheres.
News.am, Armenia
May 14 2019
Armenian teen forcibly converted to Islam on Turkey live TV
Cases of forcible religious conversion continue in Turkey. This time an Armenian teen was converted to Islam on live television.
During his religious TV program, Turkish theologian Nihat Hatipoğlu violated the Treaty of Lausanne and applied one of the points that define genocide. He converted 13-year-old Armenian boy named Artur to Islam live on air, and without the presence of his parents.
The Turkish press covered this event as top news.
But this incident is simply unacceptable under the Treaty of Lausanne, as it violates the rights of national and religious minorities, in terms of religious conversion of a minor without the presence of his parents.
In addition, this act also fits into one of the points that define genocide, and according to which it is unacceptable to forcibly convert a child into another religion. In this situation, this case fully fits into that point, since the religious conversion of a minor without the presence of his parents is equal to forcible religious conversion.
[Turkey interfering with the management of the Armenian church]
Public Radio of Armenia
May 14 2019
Turkey offers electing Armenian Patriarch's Locum Tenens on June 23
Turkish Minister of Interior Suleyman Soylu visited the Armenian Patriarchate in Istanbul on Monday, where he was welcomed by General Vicar, Archbishop Aram Ateshyan.
The Minister presented Turkey's stance on the election of the Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople. He said it's first necessary to elect a Locum Tenens, who will manage the activity of the Patriarchate in the transition period before a Patriarch is elected.
Mr. Soylu offered holding the election of the Locum Tenens on June 23.
He added that the "the Armenian community is of high value for the Turkish state" and added that the "peace and solidarity of the community is important."
The Armenian Patriarch of Constantinople, Archbishop Mesrob Mutafyan passed away on March 8. He was the 84th patriarch of Turkey's Armenian community and succeeded Karekin II in 1998.
Mutafyan, officially known as Mesrob II, began suffering from dementia in 2008 and had been in a vegetative state since then. However, he still officially remained patriarch and archbishop.
Archbishop Aram Atesyan was appointed to serve as Patriarchal Vicar, as Mesrob II had to withdraw from his duties due to his illness. A new patriarch could not be elected as Turkish laws prohibit any elections while a standing patriarch is alive.
RFE/RL Report
Kocharian Goes On Trial
May 13, 2019
Naira Bulghadarian
Gayane Saribekian
A court in Yerevan held on Monday the first, preliminary hearing in the trial
of Armenia’s former President Robert Kocharian and three other former senior
officials prosecuted in connection with the 2008 post-election violence in
Yerevan.
The hearing focused on defense lawyers’ demands for another judge to preside
over the high-profile trial. The ex-president was therefore the only defendant
present in the courtroom.
The other defendants are the former presidential chief of staff Armen Gevorgian
and retired army Generals Seyran Ohanian and Yuri Khachaturov. Unlike
Kocharian, they are not held in detention.
Kocharian looked relaxed and smiled when he spoke with his lawyers during a
break in the court session. At one point he also waved to two dozen supporters
who filled the courtroom and chanted “President!”
They afterwards bitterly argued with a man apparently critical of Kocharian who
tried to enter the courtroom. Police officers intervened to stop the
altercation from degenerating into violence.
Earlier in the day, Kocharian supporters were angered outside the courtroom by
Vardgez Gaspari, a prominent activist who held up a poster saying “Robik
murderer.” One of them ripped up the posted while another hit Gaspari with a
bottle.
Police officers removed participants of the incident from the building moments
later. Gaspari accused them of inactivity.
Kocharian, Gevorgian, Ohanian and Khachaturov stand accused of “overthrowing
the constitutional order” in the wake of a disputed presidential election held
in February 2008. Investigators say they illegally used Armenian army units
against supporters of the main opposition presidential candidate, Levon
Ter-Petrosian, who protested against alleged electoral fraud.
All four men deny the charges. Kocharian says that they are part of a political
“vendetta” waged by Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian.
Kocharian’s younger son Levon echoed that claim when he spoke to RFE/RL’s
Armenian service in the courtroom. “I believe that the accusations are personal
revenge,” he said. “There are many facts which prove what my father says, what
our lawyers say and what we agree with.”
Pashinian was one of the main opposition speakers during the 2008 protests. He
subsequently spent about two years in prison for organizing what the former
Armenian authorities characterized as “mass disturbances.” Pashinian has denied
interfering in the investigation, which took a new turn after last year’s
“velvet revolution” in the country.
Eight protesters and two police servicemen were killed as security forces
quelled the post-election protests on March 1-2, 2008. Kocharian ordered army
units into central Yerevan during the violence.
Khachaturov served as deputy defense minister while Ohanian was the chief of
the Armenian army’s General Staff at the time. Ohanian has repeatedly denied
the army’s involvement in the post-election political processes.
Earlier this year, Kocharian was also charged with receiving a $3 million bribe
from an Armenian businesswoman, Silva Hambardzumian. Prosecutors say that
Hambardzumian also paid a separate $1 million kickback to Gevorgian. The latter
became Armenia’s deputy prime minister after Kocharian handed over power to
Serzh Sarkisian in April 2008.
Both Kocharian and Gevorgian deny the corruption accusations as well.
The ex-president’s lawyers also demanded on Monday that the presiding judge,
Davit Grigorian, recuse himself from the high-profile case. They said he cannot
be trusted because earlier this year he declined to rule on their petition to
free Kocharian from pre-trial custody. They also claimed that Grigorian has not
had enough time to thoroughly examine materials of the criminal case.
The prosecution led by Armenia’s Prosecutor-General Artur Davtian as well as a
lawyer representing the families of people killed in March 2008 objected to the
demand. Grigorian will announce on Tuesday whether he will continue to preside
over the trial.
Incidentally, the Supreme Judicial Council, a body overseeing the Armenian
judiciary, censured Grigorian on Monday for having another judge decide whether
Kocharian should remain behind bars. The council last week took similar
disciplinary action against two other judges for the same reason.
RFE/RL Report
Jailed General Insists On Innocence
May 13, 2019
Marine Khachatrian
Retired General Manvel Grigorian and his wife pleaded not guilty to a string of
criminal charges brought against them at the start of their trial in Yerevan on
Monday.
“I don’t consider myself guilty,” Grigorian said nearly one year after being
arrested following searches conducted at his properties in and around the town
of Echmiadzin.
Investigators found there many weapons, ammunition, medication and field
rations for soldiers provided by the Armenian Defense Ministry. They also
discovered canned food and several vehicles donated by Armenians at one of
Grigorian’s mansions. An official video of the searches conducted by the
National Security Service (NSS) caused shock and indignation in the country.
Grigorian was also charged with tax evasion and extortion in February. His
wife, Nazik Amirian, was indicted on some of these charges but not arrested.
Amirian insisted on Monday that the high-profile case is “fabricated.” She also
protested her and her husband’s innocence at the first, preliminary court
hearing in the trial held in Grigorian’s absence on May 2.
That hearing focused on defense lawyers’ fresh demands for Grigorian’s release
from detention on health grounds. The court rejected them, backing prosecutors’
assertions that the ailing ex-general is receiving adequate treatment in a
civilian clinic in Yerevan when he has been kept since February.
Grigorian, who served as deputy defense minister from 2000-2008, told the court
that he has suffered from many serious diseases and undergone several surgeries
in the last two decades. “There is hardly a doctor in Armenia who hasn’t
treated me,” he said.
Grigorian felt unwell during Monday’s court session which was repeatedly
interrupted because of that. The 62-year-old required medical aid from doctors
present in the courtroom.
The National Interest Online
May 14 2019
The Nagorno-Karabakh Cease-Fire at 25
Marking the twenty-fifth anniversary of the cease-fire in the area of the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict.
by Masis Mayilian, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Artsakh.
This month marks the twenty-fifth anniversary of the cease-fire brokered by the Russian Federation among all parties to the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict—the Republic of Artsakh (Nagorno-Karabakh Republic), Azerbaijan and Armenia. The Agreement on Cease-fire and Cessation of Hostilities in the area of the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict came into force one minute after midnight on May 12, 1994.
This quarter-century anniversary is a good occasion to assess the cease-fire from today’s perspective, to sum up some results in terms of what has been done and what needs to be done to strengthen the cease-fire, and to draw lessons that will be useful for enhancing the effectiveness of the peace process for the resolution of the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict.
The agreement is of key importance since it put an end to the war unleashed by Azerbaijan against the democratic statehood of Artsakh. It also moved the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict into a political and diplomatic track, and by so doing created conditions for the parties, with the assistance of international mediators, to concentrate efforts on finding ways to finally resolve the conflict through negotiations.
So far, this Agreement has been the only real achievement in the process of resolving the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict. The path to peace, or rather to cease-fire, turned out to be quite difficult. As an eyewitness to those events and a participant in the talks that took place during the war and the postwar years, I can say that attempts were repeatedly made in 1992–1993 to end the fighting. However, cease-fire agreements reached during this period proved short-term. The reason for these failures was that Azerbaijan, confident of its military and technical superiority, was hoping for a military solution to the conflict and used the pauses solely for a time out, in order to resume fighting again later.
It is because of this position taken by Azerbaijan, which did not want to guarantee peace and commit itself to the cessation hostilities, that the four UN Security Council resolutions on Nagorno-Karabakh, the main requirement of which was an immediate cease-fire, the cessation of all hostilities and hostile acts were thwarted. By all its actions, Baku demonstrated that it considered the UN Security Council resolutions not as a means of ending the war, but as an instrument of achieving a military and political advantage.
The first prerequisites for an indefinite cease-fire agreement appeared in 1994 only after the Artsakh Defence Army managed to repel the armed aggression of Azerbaijan, ensure the security of the republic’s borders and thereby seriously undermine Baku’s potential aimed at resolving the conflict through military force.
These positive trends were consolidated through direct negotiations, which in prior years had stalled on the issue of the status of Artsakh. Only after very sensitive losses on the battlefield and a significant weakening of its military potential, the Azerbaijani leadership, not only ceased to prevent official Stepanakert from fully participating in the negotiations, but also repeatedly initiated direct contacts with the authorities of Artsakh, including at the highest level. Removing the main obstacle to direct talks allowed the parties to concentrate on substantive issues. Thanks to these contacts, Baku and Stepanakert concluded a dozen agreements on the limitation of hostilities, and on temporary cease-fires or their extension, which ultimately paved the way for an agreement on an indefinite cease-fire and cessation of hostilities.
The basis for the current indefinite cease-fire was laid on May 5, 1994, in Bishkek, the capital of Kyrgyzstan, where, under the auspices of the CIS Inter-Parliamentary Assembly, the leaders of the parliaments of Artsakh, Azerbaijan and Armenia discussed the situation in the region, and following the negotiations, signed the Bishkek Protocol (Azerbaijan joined the document three days later, and with some reservations). It is worth noting that the Protocol was preceded by a Statement of the Council of CIS Heads of State adopted in Moscow on April 15 of that same year, in which “an immediate cease-fire, cessation of all hostilities, and its reliable consolidation” was named as the main priority and imperative of the settlement. Supporting this statement, the participants of the Bishkek meeting expressed their readiness to render all possible assistance to the efforts of the heads and representatives of the executive power to end the armed confrontation through the early conclusion of an appropriate agreement. After that, the already mentioned agreement of May 12, 1994, was signed.
On July 26–27, 1994, signing an additional agreement, all three parties confirmed the indefinite nature of the cease-fire regime until a final settlement of the conflict was reached. The parties reaffirmed this position by making special statements in August and November of the same year.
On February 6, 1995, an Agreement on Strengthening the Cease-fire reached between Artsakh, Armenia and Azerbaijan, under the auspices of the Russian-Swedish Co-Chairmanship of the OSCE Minsk Group, came into force. The agreement contained a whole set of militarily significant stabilizing measures for crisis situations with a view to consolidating the cease-fire.
In subsequent years, unfortunately, it became impossible to build on the success achieved through the agreements of May 12, 1994, and February 6, 1995. The settlement process stalled immediately after Baku returned to a policy of confrontation. As part of this policy, it first refused to comply with the provisions of the agreement of February 6, 1995. Then, in early 1997, Baku thwarted the full-fledged trilateral negotiations by trying to impose, as a basis for settlement, its nonconsensual proposals put forward during the 1996 OSCE Lisbon Summit.
In the following years, the Azerbaijani side, both in public statements and in documents distributed in international organizations, tried to reserve the right to unleash a new war against Artsakh. The manipulation of the UN Security Council resolutions adopted in 1993 forms an important part of the attempts of Azerbaijan to impose on the international community the thesis “either a settlement on Baku’s terms or war.” Although Azerbaijan itself refused to implement the requirements and calls of the UN Security Council resolutions addressed to it, years later, it stubbornly seeks to present certain provisions of those resolutions as conditions for resolving the conflict, non-implementation of which, according to the Azerbaijani authorities, allegedly gives them the right to use force. Such an interpretation directly contradicts the letter and spirit of the resolutions adopted during the period of active hostilities that aimed at putting an end to the war and starting a political dialogue.
Baku’s diplomatic manoeuvres were accompanied by real escalation along the Line of Contact between the armed forces of Artsakh and Azerbaijan. Moreover, cease-fire violations by the Azerbaijani army were becoming more threatening both in scale and duration, and the number and type of weapons used.
The culmination of this policy of confrontation was a major escalation by the Azerbaijani authorities to resolve the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict by force. On the night of April 2, 2016, in flagrant violation of the cease-fire agreement of May 12, 1994, Azerbaijan undertook a large-scale offensive along the entire Line of Contact, using heavy equipment, artillery and combat aircraft.
The intensity and scale of the attack, the number of forces and military equipment used, as well as statements by Azerbaijani officials clearly indicated that the April 2, 2016 aggression was not a spontaneous escalation of tension, but a carefully planned and prepared armed attack. However, after suffering heavy losses in manpower and equipment, on April 5, 2016, Azerbaijan asked through the mediation of the Russian Federation for a cessation of hostilities.
Azerbaijan’s abandonment of its commitments to maintaining peace in the region received a strong response from the international community. As a result of Azerbaijan’s attempts to unleash armed aggression against Artsakh, the co-chairing countries of the OSCE Minsk Group—the United States, Russia, France, the UN Secretary-General, the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office and Secretary-General of the Council of Europe—called for strict adherence to the May 12, 1994, cease-fire agreement and the February 6, 1995, agreement on strengthening the cease-fire. The reaction of the international community has shown that the agreements of May 12, 1994, and of February 6, 1995, are among the key elements for maintaining regional security in the South Caucasus.
In addition to its practical value, the cease-fire agreement is also important from the point of view of the accumulated experience in organizing effective negotiations. The example of the agreement of May 12, 1994, demonstrates that success in conflict resolution depends on two key conditions. First is the exclusion of any illusions about the possibility of resolving the conflict through force. It is also worth recalling that the peaceful settlement of disputes is one of the fundamental principles of international law enshrined in the UN Charter. The second condition is the organization of direct talks, in which each of the parties to a conflict conducts negotiations on its own behalf and on those issues that fall within its competence.
And today, twenty-five years later, the cease-fire agreement can serve as a guideline for enhancing the effectiveness of the peace process. On the other hand, to give impetus to the conflict resolution process, it is necessary to resume direct trilateral negotiations, and it remains important to consistently strengthen the cease-fire, including through the introduction of an international mechanism to monitor its observance.
Artsakh not only supported the proposals and calls by the mediators to strengthen the cease-fire, but also repeatedly proposed various initiatives to ensure the irreversibility of the peace process. One of the latest examples of the constructive approach of official Stepanakert is the willingness to provide international mediators with data from video surveillance of the situation on the border. The permanent video surveillance system installed by Artsakh on the Line of Contact may become an integral part of an international cease-fire control mechanism.
In this context, it is also important to stress the need for the implementation of agreements reached during the two post–April, 2016, summits in Vienna and St. Petersburg, providing for the introduction of a mechanism to monitor the situation on the Line of Contact and the mechanism for investigating incidents at the border, as well as expanding the office of the Personal Representative of the OSCE Chairperson-in-Office with a view to increasing its monitoring capacities. Three years later, the Vienna and St. Petersburg agreements, due to strong opposition by Azerbaijan, still remain on paper only.
However, the situation with Azerbaijan’s attempts to denounce the trilateral agreements on cease-fire and on strengthening the cease-fire, signed by the Defence Ministers of Artsakh, Azerbaijan and Armenia in 1994–1995, is even more worrying. Notes on the actual denunciation of these previously adopted documents were distributed by the Permanent Representation of Azerbaijan to the OSCE on April 11, 2016, and by the Permanent Mission of Azerbaijan to the United Nations on April 14, 2016. The Azerbaijani side has not yet withdrawn or in any way disguised those notes. Thus, Baku formally refused to recognize the political and legal basis of the cease-fire in the area of the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict, and hence, the entire peace process. Obviously, neither the strengthening of the cease-fire, nor the advancement of the negotiation process is possible without the full restoration of the agreement of May 12, 1994.
The question of the demarcation line of the opposing forces, which, under the mediation of the Russian Ministry of Defence, was recorded by all three parties as part of the cease-fire, deserves special mention. Consequently, implementation of the cease-fire agreement also means the restoration of the cease-fire line agreed to by the parties, which was violated by Azerbaijan in April 2016.
I believe that the combination and complementarity of two conditions—diplomatic (restoration of direct trilateral negotiations) and military-political (strengthening the cease-fire and ensuring the irreversibility of the peace process)—will create the necessary prerequisites for real progress in the peaceful settlement of the Azerbaijan-Karabakh conflict and ensure long-term stability in the South Caucasus.
[and here is the Azeri nonsense from those who think they can lecture on democracy!]
Interfax
May 13 2019
Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry calls on Armenia to leave Karabakh showing commitment to democracy, peace
Armenian forces must leave Karabakh if Armenia is interested in building a democracy and ensuring prosperity of the Armenianpeople and development of the region, Azerbaijani Foreign Ministry press secretary Leyla Abdullayeva said in her comments on the recent statement by Armenian Foreign Minister Zohrab Mnatsakanyan.
"Armenia is far from stopping the policy of aggression it has been pursuing for decades [...] or demonstrating the intention to establish normal relations with neighbors and to show respect for principles of international law, first and foremost, the territorial integrity within internationally recognized borders," Abdullayeva said.
If Mnatsakanyan is truly "interested in building a democracy and ensuring prosperity and security of his people and progress in the region, then the Armenian Armed Forces must immediately leave the occupied Azerbaijani lands," she said.
"Only then it will be possible to talk about human values, democracy, and value of human life," Abdullayeva said.
"Whenever we speak about the will and the final say of the people, either in Armenia or in Nagorno-Karabakh, we speak about simple democratic principles," Mnatsakanyan told the Internet portal tert.am last week. "Our people have elected the government and vested it with power, which the government is using to assume the responsibility and to participate in [...] the peace process in Nagorno-Karabakh," he said.
Daily Cannon
May 16 2019
British-Armenian Arsenal fans prevented from attending Europa League final
By Dan Critchlow
Some Arsenal fans are finding themselves unable to attend the Europa League final in Baku, even if they have a ticket and flights booked, simply because of their nationality.
With every day, the decision to host the Europa League final in Baku appears more ridiculous.
The difficulty and cost of travel to reach Azerbaijan is so high that UEFA openly admit that’s why they’ve given Arsenal and Chelsea fans such tiny allocations (6,000 seats in a 68,700 capacity stadium).
Then there’s Henrikh Mkhitaryan, who may not be able to take part over concerns about his safety as an Armenian playing in Azerbaijan.
Guardian writer Amy Lawrence made the point that this is being rather brushed over because Mkhitaryan isn’t the most important member of Arsenal’s squad. If Pierre-Emerick Aubameyang couldn’t go, for example, you’d imagine this would be taken much more seriously.
It’s not only Mkhitaryan, though. There are reports all over social media of Armenian Arsenal members and season ticket holders who have been advised against attending or blocked completely due to their nationality.
It’s bizarre that this was considered an acceptable location to hold the final. The majority of top teams in the competition would have trouble getting their fans to Baku, not just because it’s far away, but because the airport is small and there are so few alternative travel options, before we get into the various visa problems for supporters.
Having been to Baku in the group stage, I can safely say the public transport between the airport and the stadium is limited at best. There’s one bus running a couple of times an hour, which could maybe get a few hundred fans to and from the ground, not thousands.
Arsenal have publicly stated their disappointment and described what has happened as ‘unacceptable’. Let’s hope Chelsea join them in expressing the same sentiment and UEFA puts the bare minimum amount of thought into their selection of future venues.
Aysor, Armenia
May 11 2019
55-megawatt power solar station to be built during 2019-2020 in Armenia’s Gegharkunik region
A 55-megawatt power solar station will be built during 2019-2020 in Armenia’s Gegharkunik region, deputy minister of energy infrastructures and natural resources Hakob Vardanyan said at the My Step for Gegharkunik region business conference today.
He said it will be the biggest solar station with the lowest price.
“In Armenia the solar power potential is not fully used. Armenia is a country having higher from average solar potential. We are having about 1,500-1,800 hours solar days and Gegharkunik region has the biggest potential,” he said, adding that 8 out of 13 licensed solar stations are in Gegharkunik region.
He said a competition took place last year and there is a winner organization and there is already a program of support signed with the government, according to which 55-megawatt power solar station will be built in Gegharkunik to be the biggest one with the lowest price in the Caucasus.
Armenpress.am
10 May, 2019
Yerevan inaugurates stunning new park in downtown
The Armenian capital has a brand new park as the construction of the Yerevan 2800th Anniversary Park was inaugurated Friday morning with government officials in attendance. Beautiful trees, mesmerizing mosaic ground work, bronze statues, fountains and other art work make this wonderful new place a perfect place to spend time.
The construction of the park was funded by the Vartanian Family Charitable Foundation.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan, Yerevan Mayor Hayk Marutyan, other government officials, as well as philanthropists Michael Vartanian and Karen Vartanian from the fund inaugurated the park, which is located in downtown Yerevan, few hundred meters down the road from Republic Square.
“This is a gift to the city from Michael and Karen Vartanians,” Mayor Hayk Marutyan said. He said the park cost 5,300,000 dollars to built. He praised the “highest-level” result of the construction.
The philanthropists had only one pre-condition for giving the gift: the park remains the property of Yerevan and any kind of business activity is banned from taking place in the area.
The Vartanian Family Charitable Foundation will cover all maintenance expenses of the park for 99 years, starting from 2019.
Edited and translated by Stepan Kocharyan
Armenpress.am
10 May, 2019
Armenia proposes to increase fine for Caucasian leopard hunting by 97 million drams
The Armenian government proposes to increase the fine for the damage caused by the hunting and killing of a Caucasian leopard by 97 million drams based on the legislative changes, Minister of nature protection Erik Grigoryan said during today’s Cabinet meeting.
“It is planned to set a fine of 100 million drams for the damage caused by the hunting or killing of the Caucasian leopard that is in critical condition, instead of the current 3 million AMD fine. The program, which is implemented by the ministry, and the Year of Caucasian Leopard declared by Armenia, is not a national program and aims at preserving this unique and extremely rare animal species in the entire European region”, the minister said.
Erik Grigoryan said at present nearly 8-12 Caucasian leopards are registered.
Edited and translated by Aneta Harutyan
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