Showing posts with label 19th April 2009. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 19th April 2009. Show all posts

Sunday, 19 April 2009

Opening Armenia-Turkey Border in International Press

TURKEY'S BABACAN TRAVELED TO ARMENIA BUT NOTHING WAS SIGNED
Tatul Hakobyan
The Wall Street Journal
Thursday April 16, 2009


Senior Azerbaijani diplomat in Yerevan for BSEC Council meeting

Yerevan - The Wall Street Journal and other influential newspapers
citing unnamed senior diplomats had reported that on April 16 Armenia
and Turkey "could" sign an agreement to establish diplomatic relations.

Turkey's Foreign Minister Ali Babacan was in fact in Yerevan today,
to participate in the meeting of the Council of Ministers of Foreign
Affairs of the Organization of the Black Sea Economic Cooperation
(BSEC), but no document was signed with Armenia.

"I can say that there is no intention to sign today any document
on Armenian-Turkish relations," said Edward Nalbandian, Armenia's
foreign minister, at a press conference following the BSEC meeting,
which he chaired. Armenian-Turkish "negotiations continue. We have
made progress and think that we can really resolve these issues in
the near future," he continued.

However, the foreign ministers of Turkey and Armenia did not even
hold a separate meeting during Mr. Babacan's visit. Instead, taking
the opportunity of being in Yerevan together, Mr. Babacan and the
foreign minister of Russia, Sergey Lavrov, held a meeting. Of the 12
BSEC member states, only Armenia, Russia, and Turkey participated in
the meeting at the foreign minister level.

Iran admitted as a partner

Among the delegations at the BSEC meeting was one from Azerbaijan,
led by Deputy Foreign Minister Mahmoud Mamedkuliyev - who is married
to President Ilham Aliyev's older sister. This was the first official
Azerbaijani delegation in Armenia in years. The six-month rotating
chairmanship of BSEC moves on May 1 from Armenia to Azerbaijan;
the ceremonial handoff took place today.

Ambassador Leonidas Chrysanthopoulos, who was confirmed as BSEC's
secretary general for a second term at this meeting, noted at the
press conference that two BSEC member states, Turkey and Azerbaijan,
have no diplomatic relations with another member state, Armenia. He
said one of the main decisions of the BSEC meeting was to grant
partner status to Iran.

"Iran is a country that was missing in the area," Mr. Chrysanthopoulos
said. "BSEC will establish cooperation with Iran in different
spheres. In particular, in agriculture, energy, and transport,"
he added.

Favoring linkage

Azerbaijan's deputy foreign minister was asked about his government's
position on Armenian-Turkish dialog. His government announces,
on the one hand, that it welcomes all steps that could lead to
the resolution of existing issues in the region. On the other hand,
Azerbaijan is opposed to the opening of the Armenian-Turkish border and
the establishment of diplomatic relations between Turkey and Armenia.

"We follow the process with interest, and our position is that the
restoration of relations between Armenia and Turkey can only be linked
to the resolution of the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan,"
Mr. Mamedkuliyev said in response, after making a ritual claim that
Azerbaijan does not interfere in the "domestic affairs" of other
countries and saying that Baku regards contacts between Armenia and
Turkey to be a matter for the two countries involved.

Mr. Mamedkuliyev said, "The development of relations between Armenia
and Turkey was in time interrupted and the main reason was the
occupation of Azerbaijani territory."

Turkey's role over Karabakh

Abdullah Gul, the Turkish president, recently announced that
Turkey is participating in negotiations with Azerbaijan and
Armenia. Mr. Nalbandian was asked about the mechanism for Turkey's
participation. He noted in response that the negotiations are being
mediated by the OSCE Minsk Group, and specifically by the U.S.,
Russian, and French co-chairs of the Minsk Group. "That is the format
of the negotiations, and no other format exists. Turkey does not
play a role as a mediator in the resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict,
" he said.

The Azerbaijani deputy foreign minister said Baku welcomes the efforts
of any country toward the resolution of the conflict. "If there are
specific and realistic proposals, we are prepared to study them. The
continuation of the conflict gives no side an advantage; the conflict
must be resolved within the norms and principles of international
law as it exists. Turkey is a member of the Minsk Group and one of
the most important countries in the region," he said.

The president of Armenia, Serge Sargsian, received the participants
in the meeting of the BSEC Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs.

Armenian leadership

Armenia is one of the founding members of BSEC and is concluding its
six-month terms as chairman-in-office. With Armenia in the chair,
Mr. Nalbandian said, more than 50 documents and two declarations were
signed through the organization.

"Over the past six months Armenia exerted efforts to move BSEC
forward through the growing challenges of the contemporary world in
the condition of deepening financial crisis" said Mr. Nalbandian.

The head of the Azerbaijani delegation said, "regional cooperation
will be successful if there is the atmosphere of peace, stability and
security. Therefore our attempts will go to increase the activity of
our organization to care about existing conflicts in the Black Sea
area. Unfortunately, we are having some situation which is not very
supportive for full regional cooperation," he said.

BSEC was launched as a regionally owned initiative, with Turkey's
lead, in 25 June 1992 at the Istanbul Summit. The idea that stronger
economic cooperation among the Black Sea countries would enhance peace
and stability in the region was the underlying philosophy behind BSEC.
 
ARMENIA, TURKEY ANNOUNCE NO DEAL AFTER YEREVAN TALKS
Gaziantep Haber 27
April 17 2009
Turkey


Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan gave no indications of an
impending breakthrough in his country's relations with Armenia on
Thursday as he visited Yerevan to attend a meeting of the Black Sea
Economic Cooperation (BSEC) organization 17 Nisan 2009 Cuma 16:24

His Armenian counterpart, Eduard Nalbandian, insisted, nonetheless,
that Ankara and Yerevan may still normalize their historically strained
relations "soon."

Babacan refrained from making any public statements during the one-day
trip which ended with a meeting with President Serzh Sarkisian. A short
statement by Sarkisian's office gave no details of the talks. Babacan
also took part in a separate group meeting between Sarkisian and
participants of the BSEC session.

While in Yerevan, Babacan also met with Russia's Foreign Minister
Sergey Lavrov and Azerbaijan's Deputy Foreign Minister Mahmud
Mamedguliev.

Recent reports in Turkish and Western media said that the two
governments could use the BSEC meeting to announce agreement on a
gradual normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations. However, Turkey's
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has ruled out such possibility,
repeatedly stating this month that Ankara will not establish diplomatic
relations with Yerevan and reopen the Turkish-Armenian border before
a resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.


Babacan appeared to reaffirm that linkage as he spoke to CNN-Turk
television on his way to Yerevan. According to "Hurriyet Daily
News," he said the Turkish-Armenian dialogue must run parallel with
international efforts to settle the Karabakh conflict.

"Today we have no intention to sign any document regarding the
normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations," Nalbandian told
journalists after the BSEC meeting. "Negotiations continue. We have
made progress and believe that we can really be very close to solving
those issues soon."

Nalbandian also made clear that Yerevan remains opposed to direct
Turkish involvement in international efforts to settle the Karabakh
dispute. "Turkey will not play the role of a mediator in the Karabakh
peace process," he said.


The Armenian minister was speaking at a joint news conference with
Mamedguliev, whose country assumed the BSEC's rotating presidency
from Armenia at the Yerevan meeting. Mamedguliev, a rare Azerbaijani
official visiting Armenia, reaffirmed Baku's strong opposition to the
normalization of Turkish-Armenian relations before Karabakh peace. "Our
position is the following: the restoration of links between Turkey
and Armenia may only be conditional on the resolution of the conflict
between Armenia and Azerbaijan," he said.

By contrast, Lavrov welcomed the Turkish-Armenian rapprochement. "First
of all, this is the bilateral affair of Armenia and Turkey," he said
after the talks with Babacan. "We welcome all steps leading to the
normalization of relations between any countries of the region."
 
Ex-Ministers Downbeat On Turkish-Armenian Deal
Vartan Oskanian
17.04.2009
Emil Danielyan


Two former foreign ministers of Armenia remained pessimistic on
Friday about the success of the ongoing Turkish-Armenian dialogue,
urging the current authorities in Yerevan to reconsider their
diplomatic overtures to Ankara.

A top U.S. official, meanwhile, visited Armenia in what may have been
an attempt to salvage the faltering talks between the two neighboring
nations. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matthew Bryza met with
President Serzh Sarkisian and Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandian.
Official Armenian sources gave no details of the talks, and Bryza was
not available for comment.

The diplomat, who is also the U.S. co-chair of the OSCE Minsk Group,
arrived in Yerevan from Baku where he met Azerbaijani Foreign
Minister Elmar Mammadyarov. Washington has been trying to neutralize
Azerbaijan's strong resistance to the normalization of Turkish-
Armenian relations before a peaceful settlement of the Nagorno-
Karabakh conflict. U.S. President Barack Obama personally discussed
the matter with his Azerbaijani counterpart, Ilham Aliev, in a phone
call last week.

The vehement Azerbaijani protests led Turkish Prime Minister Recep
Tayyip Erdogan to publicly state earlier this month that Turkey will
not establish diplomatic relations and open its border with Armenia
without a Karabakh settlement. Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan
appeared to echo that linkage as he flew to Yerevan on Wednesday night.

"We don't say, 'Let's first solve one problem and solve the other
later,'' Babacan was reported to tell Turkish journalists. `We want a
similar process to start between Azerbaijan and Armenia. We are
closely watching the talks between Azerbaijan and Armenia.'

Nalbandian insisted on Thursday, however, that Ankara and Yerevan
could still hammer out a ground-breaking agreement `soon.' Two of his
predecessors are far more pessimistic on that score, pointing to the
statements made by Erdogan.

`I don't anticipate the signing of a Turkish-Armenian agreement in
the near future,' one of them, Raffi Hovannisian, said. He was
particularly worried about Erdogan's calls for the UN Security
Council to denounce Armenia as an `occupier' and demand Karabakh's
return under Azerbaijani rule.

Vartan Oskanian, who served as foreign minister from 1998-2008,
likewise suggested that the Turks have no intention to cut an
unconditional deal with Armenia and are instead trying to exploit the
talks to keep the United States and other countries from recognizing
the 1915 massacres of Armenians as genocide. He said they could also
be pressing international mediators to seek more Armenian concessions
on Karabakh in return for an open border with Turkey.

`When you make a Turkish-Armenian dialogue public, the Turks always
take advantage of that because they face the genocide issue, the
issue of European Union membership and the issue of friendship with
Azerbaijan,' Oskanian told a news conference. `So publicity here, if
we let it last for long, is not to our benefit. With every day
passing without border opening or normalization of Turkish-Armenian
relations, Turkey finds itself in a more beneficial position than
Armenia.

`The moment that the border is opened, we too will start to draw
dividends. The question is when that will happen.'

`The Armenian side should set a clear deadline for the Turks -- if we
sign an agreement and the border is opened on a particular day, it
will be fine; if not, let us interrupt the negotiations from that
day. Something has to be done,' added Oskanian.

Oskanian also seemed puzzled by President Sarkisian's assurances that
Armenia will `emerge stronger' from the U.S.-backed talks even if
they end in failure. `I hope that there is something that the
president knows but we don't know,' he said.

The former minister, who founded last year a private think-tank, the
Civilitas Foundation, spoke to journalists before an official
presentation of a newly published book containing speeches delivered
by him throughout his decade-long tenure. Among those attending the
event was Kaan Soyak, the Turkish co-chairman of the Turkish-Armenian
Business Council (TABC) that has long been lobbying for improved
relations and unfettered commerce between the two neighbors.

Soyak asserted that Erdogan's remarks were `a little misunderstood'
in Armenia and did not wreck the Turkish-Armenian rapprochement.
`What the prime minister wanted to say is that the normalization of
relations between Armenia and Turkey is very important and within the
context of this normalization Turkish diplomats and Turkish foreign
policy advisers will be more active in the Caucasus for the
settlement between Armenia and Azerbaijan,' he told RFE/RL.

`He never set a precondition,' said Soyak. `He believes that all the
solutions must be in one package, which includes Azerbaijan and
Armenia, but not necessarily the Nagorno-Karabakh area.'

TURKISH-ARMENIAN DIALOGUE ON THE VERGE OF COLLAPSE
By: Emil Danielyan
Jamestown Foundation
April 14 2009

The nearly year-long negotiations between Armenia and Turkey look set
to prove fruitless after Ankara has revived its long-standing linkage
between the normalization of bilateral ties and a resolution of the
Karabakh conflict. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has
repeatedly made clear this month that his government will not establish
diplomatic relations with Yerevan and re-open the Turkish-Armenian
border without Azerbaijan's consent. In Armenia and especially
amongst its worldwide diaspora, meanwhile, there are growing calls
for President Serzh Sarkisian to abandon the Western-backed talks.

The success of those talks seemed a foregone conclusion in the weeks
leading up to President Barack Obama's visit on April 6-7. According
to reports in both the Turkish and Western media, Armenia and Turkey
have finalized an agreement on gradually normalizing their strained
relations and setting up inter-governmental commissions dealing with
various issues of mutual interest. Some of those reports quoted unnamed
Turkish officials as saying that the agreement could be signed during
or shortly after Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian's trip
to Istanbul on April 6. The resulting outcry in Azerbaijan (EDM,
April 10) suggested that Ankara and Yerevan were indeed very close
to cutting a far-reaching deal.

Erdogan called into question the possibility of such a deal when
he told a news conference in London on April 3 that Turkey cannot
reach a "healthy solution concerning Armenia" as long as the Karabakh
dispute remains unresolved (Today's Zaman, April 4). He reaffirmed
the linkage on April 8, two days after Obama stated in Ankara that
the Turkish-Armenian negotiations were "moving forward and could
bear fruit very quickly, very soon." The Turkish premier went as
far as demanding that the U.N. Security Council denounce Armenia
as an "occupier" and called for Karabakh's return under Azeri rule
(Hurriyet Daily News, April 9).

Any doubts about the practical implications of these statements
were dispelled by Erdogan during his holiday in southern Turkey on
April 10: "We will not sign a final deal with Armenia unless there
is agreement between Azerbaijan and Armenia on Karabakh," he told
journalists (Anatolia news agency, April 10). In an interview with
the Azerbaijani newspaper Zerkalo published the following day, the
deputy chairman of Erdogan's Justice and Development Party, Haluk
Ipek, said the Turkish-Armenian border will remain closed for at
least ten more years. Ipek dismissed speculation over its impending
re-opening as "dishonest" Armenian propaganda aimed at driving a
wedge between the two Turkic nations. Turkey's more dovish President
Abdullah Gul likewise underscored the importance of Karabakh's peace
when he commented on Turkish-Armenian reconciliation in an interview
with The Financial Times on April 8.

That the Turkish-Armenian dialogue is reaching an impasse was
effectively acknowledged by Sarkisian at an April 10 news conference:
"Is it possible that we were mistaken in our calculations and
that the Turks will now adopt a different position and try to set
preconditions? Of course it is possible," he said (Armenian Public
Television, April 10). The Armenian leader insisted that Karabakh
has not been on the agenda of that dialogue. Indeed, Ankara was
clearly ready to stop linking Turkish-Armenian relations with a
Karabakh settlement acceptable to Baku when it embarked on a dramatic
rapprochement with Yerevan last summer. The two countries' foreign
ministers would have hardly held numerous face-to-face meetings since
if it was not.

For his part, Sarkisian signaled his acceptance, in principle,
of a Turkish proposal to form a joint commission of historians
tasked with examining the 1915-1918 mass killings of Armenians in
the Ottoman Empire. One of the Turkish-Armenian commissions which the
governments reportedly agreed to form would conduct such a study. The
idea was floated by Erdogan in 2005 and rejected by then Armenian
President Robert Kocharian as a Turkish ploy designed to scuttle
greater international recognition of what many historians consider
the first genocide of the twentieth century. Turkish leaders have made
no secret of using the fence-mending negotiations with the Sarkisian
administration to discourage Obama from making good on his election
campaign promise to describe the slaughter of more than one million
Ottoman Armenians as genocide.

The almost certain collapse of the talks has left Armenian politicians
and pundits questioning the wisdom of further Armenian overtures to the
Turks. "If Turkey suddenly succumbs to Azerbaijan's threats and these
negotiations yield no results soon, then I think the Armenian side
will not carry on with them," said Giro Manoyan, a senior member of the
Armenian Revolutionary Federation, a nationalist party represented in
Sarkisian's coalition government (Hayots Ashkhar, April 10). Former
Foreign Minister Vartan Oskanian likewise advocated, in an April
7 interview with RFE/RL, Yerevan's pullout from the reconciliation
process if the sixteen year Turkish blockade of Armenia is not lifted.

Such views are indicative of the dominant mood in the Armenian
diaspora and, in particular, the influential Armenian community
within the United States. Harut Sassounian, a prominent community
activist and commentator, criticized Armenia's policy on Turkey,
effectively blaming it for Obama's failure to publicly use the word
"genocide" during his visit to Turkey. "In view of these developments,
it is imperative that the Armenian government terminates at once all
negotiations with the Turkish leaders in order to limit the damage
caused by the continued exploitation of the illusion of productive
negotiations," Sassounian wrote in an April 9 editorial by his Los
Angeles-based newspaper California Courier.

Sarkisian insisted on April 10 that the dialogue with Turkey can
be deemed beneficial for the Armenian side even if it produces no
tangible results. He said Armenia will "emerge from this process
stronger" in any case because the international community will have no
doubts that "we are really ready to establish relations [with Turkey]
without preconditions."
EU URGES TURKEY TO REOPEN ARMENIA BORDER
By Selcuk Gokoluk
Washington Post
April 15 2009

ANKARA (Reuters) - A top European Union official urged EU aspirant
Turkey to reopen its border with Armenia, piling pressure on Ankara
to normalize ties with Yerevan after U.S. President Barack Obama made
a similar call last week.

Turkey and Armenia last year launched high-level talks on establishing
diplomatic ties after a century of hostility.

The stand-off between Turkey and Armenia has destabilized the
energy-rich Caucasus region, isolated impoverished Armenia and
obstructed Turkey's efforts to join the EU.

Peter Semneby, the EU's special envoy for the South Caucasus, said
normalizing Turkish-Armenian ties would benefit the region and would
help Turkey's hopes of joining the bloc.

"Fundamentally this would be a development that I think could lead to
further positive developments that would in return benefit us, benefit
the region and would therefore benefit Turkey and the European Union,"
Semneby told a panel interview including Reuters late on Tuesday.

"It (opening the border) will certainly not hurt Turkey's EU
perspectives," he said.

Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 to lend support to its
traditional Muslim ally Azerbaijan. Armenia and Turkey trace their own
dispute to 90-year-old claims that Ottoman Turks committed genocide
against Armenia in World War I.

Semneby said the EU is not putting pressure on Turkey to recognize
the mass killings of Armenians by Ottoman Turks in 1915 as genocide,
a claim which Ankara strongly denies.

"I can only talk on the behalf of the European Union, and there is
absolutely no such pressure, absolutely not. This is not an issue of
ours. We are not involved on that issue."

Obama, in a visit to NATO ally Turkey earlier this month, also pressed
Ankara and Yerevan to complete talks soon.

But Turkish Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan has said the deadlock over
the Nagorno-Karabakh enclave, over which Armenia and Azerbaijan
fought a war in the late 1980s and early 1990s, must be resolved
before Turkey and Armenia strike a deal.

Azerbaijan, which sells gas and oil to Turkey, opposes its ally
opening the border because such a deal could take away the incentive
for Armenia to negotiate over Nagorno-Karabakh.

Armenia has controlled Nagorno-Karabakh, which lies wholly within
Azerbaijan, since a war that broke out in the last days of the Soviet
Union. A ceasefire in Nagorno-Karabakh, brokered by Russia, has held
since 1994.


OPENING BORDER BETWEEN TURKEY, ARMENIA MEANS
RECOGNIZING OCCUPATION: BAYKAL
Xinhua General News Service
April 13, 2009 Monday
China

Turkey's main opposition Republican People's Party Leader Deniz
Baykal warned the government against making a very serious mistake
on the issue of re-opening the border with Armenia, local Daily News
reported on Monday.

As tensions mount between Turkey and Azerbaijan, Baykal told reporters
before his party's meeting Saturday, "If the border is opened, the
occupation (of Upper Karabakh) will have been safeguarded."

The Upper Karabakh dispute between Azerbaijan and Armenia has been
going on for a long time. Both Azerbaijani leaders and public opinion
have expressed serious concerns over the possibility of the border
between Turkey and Armenia being re-opened.

Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev refused to attend the Alliance of
Civilizations summit in Istanbul earlier this month, a move that was
seen as a protest against the pending border move.

"Turkey closed its border with Armenia in protest of the occupation
of Azerbaijan," said Baykal, adding, "this has nothing to do with
historical conflict. The issue on the opening of the border can only
be considered with the occupation of Azerbaijan."

Turkey closed its border with Armenia in 1993 in support of Azerbaijan
during its conflict with Armenia over the Upper Karabakh region.

On Tuesday, Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan confirmed in Istanbul
that his country has held talks with Armenia for months to normalize
ties.

"We are working on a comprehensive solution and our talks are going
well. We have made significant progress so far and both parties have
declared satisfaction over the process several times, " said Babacan.

U.S. President Barack Obama said during his visit in Ankara last
Monday that he was encouraged by the dialogues between Turkey and
Armenia aimed to improve ties.

He said that as Turkey and Armenia are having "serious negotiations"
that could bear fruit quickly, "I will be as encouraging as possible,"
adding the world should also encourage them.

Armenians claim that more than 1.5 million Armenians were killed in
a systematic genocide in the hands of the Ottomans during World War
I before modern Turkey was born in 1923.

But Turkey insists the Armenians were victims of widespread chaos
and governmental breakdown as the 600-year-old empire collapsed in
the years before 1923.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

Opening Armenia-Turkey Border in UK Press‏


The Times
April 15, 2009
A promise of peace in the shadow of Ararat

At last the Turkey-Armenia border may finally be opened. But the move
will stir up deep and long-held regional feelings
Michael Binyon

Years ago Andrei Gromyko, the veteran Soviet Foreign Minister, was
once buttonholed by his irate Turkish counterpart. `Why do you show
Mount Ararat, which lies in Turkey, on the flag of Soviet Armenia? Do
you lay claim to our territory?' `No,' replied Gromyko. `Why do you
have a crescent on your flag? Do you lay claim to the Moon?'

Armenia is now free of Soviet control. But the Turkish-Armenian
border, sealed during the Cold War years when it marked the tense
boundary between Nato and the Soviet Union, remains closed. And though
Armenians gaze across at Ararat's elusive peak, they still cannot
cross over into the lost provinces of their historic homeland that lie
in northeast Turkey.

Something, however, may at last be moving. Ali Babacan, Turkey's
Foreign Minister, will visit Yerevan today for a meeting of the Black
Sea Economic Cooperation Council, an 11-nation regional grouping set
up in 1992. But the real issue for him and for his Armenian hosts is
the border. Can both countries set aside their historic animosities
and suspicions and dismantle the last Cold War barbed-wire barricades?

Barack Obama hopes so. Indeed, in Istanbul last week he challenged his
Turkish hosts to `move forward' and establish, for the first time,
diplomatic ties with their Armenian neighbours
. Much more than just
the border is at stake. A reconciliation between Turkey and Armenia
would help to ease more than 90 years of bitterness dating back to the
Ottoman massacres of Armenians between 1915 and 1917, which still cast
a long shadow over the politics of the Caucasus and the West's
attitudes to Turkey.

Background

An open border would not only bring huge economic benefits to both
sides: it could also help to thaw one of the last `frozen conflicts'
in Europe's backyard, the military stand-off between Armenia and
Azerbaijan over control of the ethnically Armenian enclave of
Nagorno-Karabakh.

It could also help Russia to regain its balance within the turbulent
Caucasus and Turkey to extend its reach to its cultural Central Asian
hinterland. And it could remove some of the taboos from today's
Turkish politics, where any mention of the Ottoman killings of up to
1.5 million Armenians produces a venomous nationalist reaction.

The issues are all interlinked, and, bedevilled by emotion, are
exceptionally difficult to resolve. At the heart of the stalemate lie
the fears and political isolation of Armenia, a tiny country of less
than three million people, that has historically been at the mercy of
its powerful neighbours. Armenia, the first nation to adopt
Christianity, lies on the front line of Islam, and has always looked
to Russia for protection from Turkey and its Muslim Azeri neighbours.
It is a role that Moscow has embraced eagerly, and one that has
underpinned Russia's military confrontation with Turkey, which for
centuries has shaped the history of both countries.

But the forcible incorporation of Armenia into the Soviet Union in
1922 changed the relationship. There is lingering resentment in
Yerevan of Moscow, especially after the post-Soviet economic collapse
when Russia put pressure on Armenia by cutting fuel supplies. The
impoverished nation shivered through several winters. Armenia hoped to
open up to the south. But although the border with Turkey was briefly
opened, it was closed swiftly in 1993 after Armenia invaded Azerbaijan
to establish a corridor to the besieged Nagorno-Karabakh, and Turkey
sided with Muslim Azeris.

Turkish support is vital to Azeri hopes of regaining control of its
enclave. Azerbaijan has therefore reacted ferociously to hints of a
Turkish-Armenian rapprochement. It has suggested that it would use its
oil muscle and interrupt supplies through the vital pipeline from Baku
to southern Turkey unless Armenia made concessions.


The threat seems to have rattled Ankara. Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
Turkey's Prime Minister, poured cold water yesterday on suggestions
from Armenia that the border could be opened in time for the World Cup
qualifying tie in October. President Sarksyan said he hoped he would
be able to cross the border into Turkey to watch the football game.
Not until Nagorno-Karabakh is settled, Mr Erdogan retorted
.

The Islamist Prime Minister cannot be seen to abandon his Muslim
neighbour. But Turkey has also long harboured hopes that it could
spread its influence far beyond Azerbaijan into former Soviet Central
Asia, which is Turkic-speaking and desperately in need of some Western
knowhow and investment. These hopes came to little in the early 90s.
Now they are being revived. Ankara can ill afford to upset the Azeris.

Reconciliation with Armenia, however, and an end to the Caucasus
stalemate could benefit everyone. It would confirm the status of
Turkey as the superpower within the Black Sea council. Turkey may look
to the EU as a supplicant, but to its neighbours it looks an economic
giant.

Armenia, blocked to the north by the instability in Georgia and
fearful of being too dependent on Russia, would have an alternative
outlet to the world through Turkey. And economic cooperation could
soothe historic hatreds.

For Russia, there would also be gains. Paradoxically, the Russians
have never had better relations with Turkey than now, largely because
of the huge volume of trade, the massive flow of Russian tourists and
the reduced threat from a Nato member on Russia's borders. But these
smooth relations are fragile.

Historic competition for influence and for the region's energy
resources could flare up again. Russian actions in Georgia raised
hackles in Turkey. Moscow needs a settlement to ensure that there is
no new `South Ossetia' in the offing - and that the Nagorno-Karabakh
dispute does not turn violent again, leaving Moscow and Ankara on
opposite sides.

Mount Ararat is a peak of startling beauty, especially in the morning
sun. The reputed resting place of the Ark and revered by so many in
the region, it has become a symbol of division. An open border would
allow all to approach its heights.

TIME FOR TURKEY TO TRY QUIET DIPLOMACY
FT
April 12 2009 18:57

President Barack Obama's visit to Turkey last week - towards the end
of his first big international trip - paid a handsome compliment to
the country's growing influence in international affairs. Under the
administration of George W. Bush, relations between Washington and
Ankara slipped badly, not least because Turkey refused to support
the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003. But Mr Obama's state visit may
have marked a turning point. The US president underlined Turkey's
importance as a bridge between the Islamic world and the west. He
made clear that Turkey had a role as a negotiator between Israel and
the Arab world. He voiced, too, the hope that Turkey would one day
join the European Union.

This last aspiration, of course, prompted another display of anguish
from some European leaders. No sooner had Mr Obama spoken than Nicolas
Sarkozy, French president, argued that "the immense majority" of EU
states opposed Turkey's accession. Angela Merkel, German chancellor,
acknowledged there were huge "differences of opinion" inside her
country on Turkey's EU hopes.

Even so, the Turkish government must be aware of one thing. It
does itself no favours when adopting a needlessly brash tone on the
world stage. Turkey may be playing a constructive role in attempts
to stabilise Iraq and Afghani stan. But Recep Tayyip Erdogan,
prime minister, nearly wrecked the recent Nato summit with his lone
opposition to Anders Fogh Rasmussen's nomination as the organisation's
secretary-general. The summit was too important a stage for such
petty grandstanding, which damaged Turkey's international image.

Instead, this is a time for Turkey to display quiet and responsible
diplomacy. The next few months bring two great challenges. The first
is to normalise relations with Armenia and reopen the border closed
by Turkey in 1993 in support of Azerbaijan. The second is to reach
a settlement with Greece over Cyprus, a dispute which poisons
decision-making inside the EU and Nato. If Turkey can display
statesmanship on both these fronts, it will significantly bolster
its claims to EU accession.


LAST REMNANT OF THE IRON CURTAIN SET TO FALL IN VICTORY
FOR FOOTBALL DIPLOMACY: ARMENIA
by Tony Halpin
The Times
April 14, 2009 Tuesday
London

A potholed road runs through the village of Margara into a barbed-wire
fence that marks Europe's last Cold War frontier. All that separates
Armenia and Turkey is a narrow bridge across the River Araks and
almost a century of enmity that began with the massacres of Armenians
in Ottoman Turkey in 1915 and continued with the Iron Curtain that
divided the Soviet Union from the West.

The Soviet legacy in the Caucasus and the painful burden of history
have conspired to keep the border closed long after the end of the Cold
War. Now more than 70 years of separation may be only weeks from ending
as relations between Turkey and Armenia undergo a remarkable thaw.

The opening of the border is being seen as a pivotal moment in
Turkey's rise as a major force in the Caucasus and beyond to Central
Asia. With Russia also resurgent in the Caucasus after last summer's
war with Georgia the stage is being set for an intensified struggle
for control of the region's energy resources.

Russian and Turkish troops eye each other warily from observation
towers on either side of the bridge. The Russian Army patrols the
border under a security agreement with Armenia and, with Turkey in
Nato, this is the last place where the former Cold War foes still confront
each other across a sealed
border.

Turkey refused to establish diplomatic relations with Armenia
after it became independent in 1992 because of a dispute over border
recognition. Ankara denies Armenian charges of genocide and is fearful
of a claim for land in eastern Turkey once occupied by Armenians.

Turkey briefly allowed trucks to cross the border in 1992 to
deliver wheat to Armenia, where the population risked starvation
as its Soviet-era economy collapsed. It sealed the border in 1993
in protest at Armenia's war with Azerbaijan for Nagorno-Karabakh,
a Soviet enclave populated largely by Armenians.

Repeated negotiations, often secret, failed to end the stand-off but
a bout of "football diplomacy" brought a breakthrough in September
when President Sargsyan of Armenia invited President Gul of Turkey to
watch the two countries play a World Cup qualifying match in Yerevan,
the capital.

Mr Gul accepted and invited Mr Sargsyan to watch the return match in
Turkey in October. Mr Sargsyan has said that he wants to cross the
land border to go to the game.

Ali Babacan, the Turkish Foreign Minister, is expected in Yerevan
on Thursday for a meeting of the Black Sea Economic Co-operation
Organisation, only nine days before Armenia traditionally marks the
anniversary of the genocide.

He is not expected to announce a date for the opening of the bo rder
but all sides believe that it is close.

Richard Giragosian, director of the Armenian Centre for National
and International Studies, said that he expected the opening of the
border to be followed by diplomatic recognition and an agreement to
establish joint commissions dealing with everything from trade and
transport issues to the genocide.

"This is the first time that both sides have been ready and willing
at the same time and this, combined with Russian support, makes me
optimistic," he said.

"It's a Turkish effort but also part of a Russia-Turkish warming that
I think is only temporary because they are inherently rivals in the
long term."

The West views the Caucasus as a key channel for pipelines to link
Central Asia's massive oil and gas reserves with Europe, bypassing
Russia. The opening of the border has special resonance in Margara,
however, an impoverished village 40km (25 miles) from Yerevan, where
refugees crossed the river to safety.

The snow-capped peak of Mount Ararat also stands tantalisingly out
of reach, rising majestically above farmland 40km inside Turkey. The
biblical resting place for Noah's Ark is sacred to Armenians, who
were the world's first state to adopt Christianity.

Kostan Piliposyan, 75, told The Times that he was eager to visit
Ararat and to see his mother's birthplace in nearby Igdir when the
border opened.

Then he dissolved into tears as he recal led how she had left behind
her dead parents as she fled the genocide.

"Of course, Turkey doesn't want to talk about this question," he
said. "But it will be good for Armenia that the border is open. The
Turks are also people and we need to talk and trade with each other,
so let them come."

Thawing relations

1915 Armenia claims that the Young Turks, the dominant party in the
Ottoman Empire, arranged the killing of 1.5 million Armenians

1920 Armenia invaded by Turkey and Russia. An agreement with the
Bolsheviks leads to Armenia proclaiming itself a socialist republic

1993 Turkey shuts its border with Armenia after separatists fight
for independence in the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh

2001 Armenia becomes a full member of the Council of Europe.

France ignores Turkish objections and introduces a law stating that
Ottoman Turks committed genocide against Armenians in 1915

2005 Turkey says that it is ready for political relations with Armenia
and proposes joint commission to investigate the 1915 killings

2008 Talks accelerated after Turkish President attends a Turkey-Armenia
football match in Yerevan

TURKEY AND ARMENIA: OPENING MINDS, OPENING BORDERS
Reuters Alert
April 14 2009
UK

Reuters and AlertNet are not responsible for the content of this
article or for any external internet sites. The views expressed are
the author's alone.

Istanbul/Yerevan/Baku/Brussels, 14 April 2009: Turkey and Armenia
should seize their best opportunity yet to normalise relations, work
on a new approach to shared history and open a European border that
for nearly a century has been hostage to conflict.

Turkey and Armenia: Opening Minds, Opening Borders,* the latest
report from the International Crisis Group, examines how a decade
of academic and civil society outreach laid the foundations for what
is now intense official engagement between the governments.
The two
sides are now close to agreement on a package deal that will establish
diplomatic relations, open the border and set up bilateral commissions
to address a range of issues.

These commissions will include one on joint historical dimensions
of the Armenian-Turkish relationship, which will work to broaden
understanding of the Ottoman-era forced relocations and massacres of
Armenians, widely recognised as the Armenian genocide. Turkey contests
the term genocide, disputing its legal applicability and pointing to
mitigating circumstances as the Ottoman Empire fought on three fronts
in the First World War.
But many Turks, including officials, now
publicly express regret over the tragic and high loss of Armenian life.

"Turks' and Armenians' once uncompromising views of history are
significantly converging, showing that the deep traumas can be
healed", says Hugh Pope, Director of Crisis Group's Turkey/Cyprus
Project. "At this sensitive time, third parties should avoid statements
or resolutions in the politicised debate over genocide recognition
or denial that could inflame opinion on either side".

A separate but related issue, the stalemated Armenia-Azerbaijan
conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh, still risks undermining final agreement
on the Turkey and Armenia normalisation package. Azerbaijan opposes any
border opening until Armenia withdraws from its occupied territory. But
Turkey should not sacrifice this chance to move forward, and should
persuade its ally that détente which makes Armenia feel secure will
do more for a settlement than continuing a fifteen-year impasse. For
long-term normalisation with Turkey to be sustainable, Armenia,
together with Azerbaijan, should ultimately adopt the Organisation for
Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) Minsk Group basic principles
for settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict of the OSCE, and
Armenia should withdraw from Azerbaijani territories that it occupies.

"Turkey and Armenia should finalise their agreement and thus create
new momentum for peace and cooperation in the South Caucasus", says
Sabine Freizer, Crisis Group's Europe Program Director. "They should
not wait until the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict is settled. But outside
powers such as the U.S., EU, Russia and others should build on their
rare common interest to move both Turkish-Armenian normalisation and
the Nagorno-Karabakh process forward".

--------------------------------------------------------------------------------

Contacts: Andrew Stroehlein (Brussels) +32 (0) 2 541 1635 Kimberly
Abbott (Washington) +1 202 785 1601 To contact Crisis Group media
please click here *Read the full Crisis Group report on our website:
http://www.crisisgroup.org

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY AND RECOMMENDATIONS

Turkey and Armenia are close to settling a dispute that has long
roiled Caucasus politics, isolated Armenia and cast a shadow over
Turkey's European Union (EU) ambition. For a decade and a half,
relations have been poisoned by disagreement about issues including
how to address a common past and compensate for crimes, territorial
disputes, distrust bred in Soviet times and Armenian occupation
of Azerbaijani land. But recently, progressively intense official
engagement, civil society interaction and public opinion change have
transformed the relationship, bringing both sides to the brink of
an historic agreement to open borders, establish diplomatic ties and
begin joint work on reconciliation. They should seize this opportunity
to normalise. The politicised debate whether to recognise as genocide
the destruction of much of the Ottoman Armenian population and the
stalemated Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh should
not halt momentum. The U.S., EU, Russia and others should maintain
support for reconciliation and avoid harming it with statements about
history at a critical and promising time.

Turks' and Armenians' once uncompromising, bipolar views of history
are significantly converging, showing that the deep traumas can
be healed. Most importantly, the advance in bilateral relations
demonstrates that a desire for reconciliation can overcome old
enmities and closed borders. Given the heritage and culture shared by
Armenians and Turks, there is every reason to hope that normalisation
of relations between the two countries can be achieved and sustained.

Internal divisions persist on both sides. Armenia does not make
normalisation conditional on Turkey's formal recognition as
genocide of the 1915 forced relocation and massacres of Armenians
under the Ottoman Empire. But it must take into account the views of
Armenians scattered throughout the global diaspora, which is twice as
large as the population of Armenia itself and has long had hardline
representatives. New trends in that diaspora, however, have softened
and to some degree removed demands that Turkey surrender territory
in its north east, where Armenians were a substantial minority
before 1915.

Over the past decade, Turkey has moved far from its former blanket
denial of any Ottoman wrongdoing. Important parts of the ruling AK
Party, bureaucracy, business communities on the Armenian border
and liberal elite in western cities support normalisation with
Armenia and some expression of contritition. Traditional hardliners,
including Turkic nationalists and part of the security services, oppose
compromise, especially as international genocide recognition continues
and in the absence of Armenian troop withdrawals from substantial
areas they occupy of Turkey's ally, Azerbaijan. These divisions
surfaced in events surrounding the assassination of Turkish-Armenian
journalist Hrant Dink in January 2007. That the new tendencies are
gaining ground, however, was shown by the extraordinary outpouring of
solidarity with Armenians during the Dink funeral in Istanbul and a
campaign by Turkish intellectuals to apologise to Armenians for the
"Great Catastrophe" of 1915.

The unresolved Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh still
risks undermining full adoption and implementation of the potential
package deal between Turkey and Armenia on recognition, borders and
establishment of bilateral commissions to deal with multiple issues,
including the historical dimension of their relations. Azerbaijan has
strong links to Turkey based on energy cooperation and the Turkic
countries' shared linguistic and cultural origins. Ethnic Armenian
forces' rapid advance into Azerbaijan in 1993 scuttled plans to
open diplomatic ties and caused Turkey to close the railway line
that was then the only transport link between the two countries. For
years, Turkey conditioned any improvement in bilateral relations on
Armenian troop withdrawals. Baku threatens that if this condition
is lifted, it will restrict Turkey's participation in the expansion
of Azerbaijani energy exports. While Azerbaijani attitudes remain
a constraint, significant elements in Turkey agree it is time for a
new approach. Bilateral détente with Armenia ultimately could help
Baku recover territory better than the current stalemate
.

Outside powers have important interests and roles. The U.S. has long
fostered Armenia-Turkey reconciliation, seeking thereby to consolidate
the independence of all three former Soviet republics in the south
Caucasus and to support east-west transit corridors and energy
pipelines from the Caspian Sea. Washington was notable in its backing
of efforts that kick-started civil society dialogue between Turkey
and Armenia. The Obama administration is working hard at repairing the
damage done to U.S. relations with Turkey by the war in Iraq. Although
Obama repeatedly promised on the campaign trail to formally recognise
the 1915 forced relocation and massacres of Armenians under the Ottoman
Empire as genocide, he should continue to steer the prudent middle
course he has adopted as president. The U.S. Congress, which has a
draft resolution before it, should do the same
. At this sensitive
moment of Turkish-Armenian convergence, statements that focus on the
genocide term, either to deny or recognise it, would either enrage
Armenians or unleash a nationalist Turkish reaction that would damage
U.S.-Turkish ties and set back Turkey-Armenia reconciliation for years.

U.S. support for Turkey-Armenia reconciliation appears to be
mirrored in Moscow.
Russian companies have acquired many of Armenia's
railways, pipelines and energy utilities and seek to develop them;
Russian-Turkish relations are good; and Moscow is looking for ways
to mitigate the regional strains produced by its war with Georgia in
August 2008. If sustained, the coincidence of U.S.-Russian interests
would offer a hopeful sign for greater security and prosperity in
the South Caucasus after years of division and conflict. All sides -
chiefly Armenia and Turkey but potentially Azerbaijan as well - will
gain in economic strength and national security if borders are opened
and trade normalised.

RECOMMENDATIONS

To the Government of Turkey:

1. Agree, ratify and implement a normalisation package including the
opening of borders, establishment of diplomatic relations and bilateral
commissions; continue to prepare public opinion for reconciliation;
cultivate a pro-settlement constituency among Armenians; and avoid
threatening or penalising Armenia for outside factors like resolutions
or statements in third countries recognising a genocide.

2. Avoid sacrificing implementation of the normalisation package to
demands for immediate resolution of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and
withdrawal of Armenian troops from occupied territories in Azerbaijan;
and seek opportunities to show Baku that by easing Yerevan's fears
of encirclement, normalised Turkey-Armenia relations may ultimately
speed up such an Armenian withdrawal.

3. Make goodwill towards Armenia clear through gestures such as joint
work on preserving the ancient ruins of Ani, stating explicitly that
Turkey will recognise and protect Armenian historical and religious
heritage throughout the country.

4. Encourage universities and institutes to pursue broader research
on matters pertaining to the events of 1915, preferably with the
engagement of Armenian and third-party scholars; modernise history
books and remove all prejudice from them; and increase funding for
cataloguing and management of the Ottoman-era archives.

To the Government of Armenia:

5. Agree, ratify, and implement a normalisation package including the
opening of borders, establishment of diplomatic relations and bilateral
commissions; continue to prepare public opinion for reconciliation;
and avoid statements or international actions relating to genocide
recognition that could inflame Turkish public opinion against the
current process.

6. Agree together with Azerbaijan to the OSCE Minsk Group basic
principles on a Nagorno-Karabakh settlement; then start withdrawals
from Armenian-occupied territories in Azerbaijan; and pursue peace
with Azerbaijan in full consciousness that only in this way can
normalisation with Turkey be consolidated.

7. Make clear that Armenia has no territorial claim on Turkey by
explicitly recognising its territorial integrity within the borders
laid out in the 1921 Treaty of Kars.

8. Encourage universities and institutes to pursue more research on
matters relating to the events of 1915, preferably with the engagement
of Turkish and third-party scholars; modernise history books and
remove all prejudice from them; and organise the cataloguing of known
Armenian archives pertaining to the events in and around 1915 wherever
they may be located.

To the United States, Russia and the European Union and its Member
States:

9. Avoid legislation, statements and actions that might inflame
public opinion on either side and so could upset the momentum towards
Turkey-Armenia normalisation and reconciliation.

10. Raise the seniority and intensify the engagement of the U.S.,
Russian and French co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group until Armenia
and Azerbaijan reach final agreement on Minsk Group basic principles
for a settlement of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.

11. Back up Turkey-Armenia reconciliation with projects to encourage
region-wide interaction, heritage preservation and confidence building;
and support as requested any new bilateral historical commission or
sub-commission, development of archive management and independent
Turkish- or Armenian-led scholarly endeavours to research into aspects
of the 1915 events.

~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~

REMINDER: Hagop Balian Lecture - 19 April 2009‏


Dear Friends,

Hamazkayin UK are pleased to invite you to the following event at Navasartian Centre on Sunday 19th April at 6:30 PM.

A Lecture in Armenian by writer Hagop Balian about the future of the Armenian Diaspora

Entrance is Free

Regards

ANC UK

Tripartite Joint Communique (Cyprus) - 94th Anniversay of Armenian Genocide‏

TRIPARTITE JOINT COMMUNIQUE (CYPRUS)
94TH ANNIVERSAY OF ARMENIAN GENOCIDE



Sbarazinoum Te Arjetoughter?‏

ARTICLE BY HAGOP MARDIROSSIAN
LOS ANGELS, U. S. A.