Armenian Institute...Writing Workshop With Jelena Budimir
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Sunday, 27 January 2019
Armenian News... A Topalian... 9 editorials
RFE/RL Report
Armenian, Azeri Leaders In Fresh Talks
January 22, 2019
Armenia’s Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian and Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev met in Davos, Switzerland on Tuesday for what they described as
“informal” talks on the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict.
A short statement by Pashinian’s office said they “exchanged views” on the current state of the Karabakh negotiation process and “further discussions.”
In a separate Facebook post, the Armenian leader said the meeting held on the sidelines of the World Economic Forum lasted for about 90 minutes.
Aliyev’s press service issued a virtually identical statement cited by the Trend news agency.
Aliyev and Pashinian spoke to each other for the first time on the sidelines of a summit of former Soviet republics held in Tajikistan in September. There has
been a significant decrease in ceasefire violations around Karabakh and along the Armenian-Azerbaijani border since then.
The two leaders talked again during another ex-Soviet summit that took place in Russia in early December. Aliyev said afterwards that the year 2019 will see a “new impetus” to the Karabakh peace process.
The Russian RIA Novosti news agency quoted Aliyev as saying in Davos earlier on Tuesday that his previous conversations with Pashinian were “useful.”
For their part, the Armenian and Azerbaijani foreign ministers have met for four times in the last six months. The U.S., Russian and French mediators seemed particularly encouraged by the most recent of those meetings which took place in Paris on January 16.
In a joint statement, the three co-chairs of the OSCE Minsk Group said Foreign Ministers Zohrab Mnatsakanian and Elmar Mammadyarov “agreed upon the necessity of taking concrete measures to prepare the populations for peace.” They said another Aliyev-Pashinian encounter could “give a strong impulse to the dynamic of negotiations.”
With virtually no details of the Armenian-Azerbaijani negotiations made public so far, it remains unclear whether the two sides have narrowed their differences on how to end the protracted conflict.
Armenpress.am
23 Jan 19
Azerbaijan needs enemy to deviate population’s attention from domestic problems, says blogger A. Lapshin
Azerbaijan needs an enemy in order to deviate its people’s attention from domestic social-political problems, blogger Alexander Lapshin said at a news conference in Yerevan.
“From the very beginning the story concerning me was made up for domestic use, for the less literate segment of the people. They need an enemy figure in order to deviate the people of Azerbaijan from true social-political problems. I am one of those reasons. If Lapshin didn’t exist, it would be necessary for them to invent Lapshin. And now they are writing and saying all the time how bad and horrible I am,” Lapshin said.
He says that Azerbaijan doesn’t need Karabakh, it actually needs a frozen conflict.
“Their most important enemy is Armenia”, he says. “They need a frozen conflict and a chance to explain the country’s corruption and impunity that everything is Armenia’s fault”.
Lapshin said that the current state propaganda of Azerbaijan is based on similar made up stories.
Alexander Lapshin is the Russian-Israeli tourism blogger who was arrested in Belarus and subsequently controversially extradited to Azerbaijan to serve a prison sentence for visiting Artsakh “without Azerbaijani authorization”. The move sparked outrage among human rights activists and journalists worldwide.
A Baku court sentenced him to 3 years in prison in 2017 summer. But after few months, President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev pardoned him.
Lapshin has said that an attempt against his life took place in the Baku prison.
Edited and translated by Stepan Kocharyan
Chatham House
January 24 2019
How Ready Are Armenia and Azerbaijan for Peace?
De-escalatory measures and new faces are shaking up the moribund peace process between Armenia and Azerbaijan. But to make good on their pledges, the parties will need to reform their political strategies too.
Laurence Broers
Is the long-stagnant Armenia–Azerbaijan peace process finally moving forward? The 16 January meeting in Paris between foreign ministers Elmar Mammadyarov and Zohrab Mnatsakanyan was the fourth in nine months. It followed measures that in recent months have defused the considerable tensions of the last few years. These include the establishment of an ‘operative channel’ between the armed forces deployed along the Line of Contact and a sustained reduction in the number of ceasefire violations.
Against this backdrop, the press statement issued on 16 January by the OSCE’s Minsk Group, the international body mediating between Armenia and Azerbaijan, was remarkably positive. Noting the stabilization of the political environment around the negotiations, it also stated that Mammadyarov and Mnatsakanyan had ‘agreed upon the necessity of taking concrete measures to prepare the populations for peace’. This was by far the most upbeat statement to emerge from the Minsk Group talks in a very long time.
There are ample grounds for scepticism. Just over a decade ago, presidents Ilham Aliyev and Serzh Sargsyan, convened by Russia in the shocked aftermath of the Georgian-Russian war in South Ossetia, committed to confidence-building measures in the 2 November 2008 Moscow Declaration. In May 2016, Aliyev and Sargsyan again committed to a set of measures including an incident investigation mechanism and increased resources to the OSCE’s ceasefire monitoring operation. These are yet to be implemented.
Moreover, none of the fundamental structural and nationalist incompatibilities between the sides have changed.
But a new political conjuncture suggests that both sides have motives to de-escalate.
The large-scale but short-lived ‘four-day war’ in April 2016 served its purpose as a demonstration of Azerbaijan’s newfound military capability and a vindication of Baku’s massive expenditures on defence since 2007. Yet as a test of readiness for a larger war, both sides were found wanting. Armenian forces were jolted out of a long-standing complacency, while Azerbaijani forces could not retain many of the positions they initially captured on 2 April.
Subsequent skirmishes in early 2017 also indicated that the element of strategic surprise had evaporated: Azerbaijani soldiers were killed long before they got close to Armenian positions. And in May 2017 a ‘spy scandal’ in the Azerbaijani army illustrated the limits of institutional reform, and by implication war readiness, in the Azerbaijani military.
Moreover, if the ‘four-day war’ was intended, as many observers believe, as a distraction from Azerbaijan’s economic woes, then the relative recovery of the oil price since 2016 also makes diversionary violence less relevant.
For Armenia, April 2018’s ‘Velvet Revolution’ has reset thinking about security and democracy. Armenia’s new leadership, legitimized by overwhelming victory in December’s parliamentary elections, is embarking on an ambitious programme of domestic reform. How successful that programme can be for as long as Armenia is engaged in a long-term, asymmetric rivalry with Azerbaijan is an open question. But especially now, escalation with Azerbaijan can only threaten Pashinyan’s agenda and strengthen the hand of his opponents.
The Velvet Revolution’s capture of international imaginations has also prompted an Azerbaijani house cleaning, with political figures associated with the Karabakh brief moving or changing. In November foreign ministry spokesman Hikmet Hajiyev, a robust public critic of Armenia, if more circumspect in private, moved to the presidential administration. The Karabakh Azerbaijani community, always the least audible among those who must eventually have a voice in a settlement, has a new young leader in Tural Ganjaliyev. Ganjaliyev has been engaged in an energetic diplomatic offensive, meeting a slew of international diplomatic representatives in Baku.
There is nothing in the current situation that suggests decisive moves towards the resolution of conflict, let alone a ‘big bang’ peace agreement. Rather, there is an opportunity for Armenia and Azerbaijan to re-calibrate what scholars of strategic rivalries call their ‘basic rivalry level’. This could mean a sustained reduction of ceasefire violations and Line of Contact tension, opening up political space for debate on non-security related issues.
The OSCE’s 16 January press statement specifically mentions the importance of mutually beneficial initiatives to ‘fulfil the economic potential of the region’. Initiatives such as linking confidence building to infrastructure projects such as the new Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway can play a positive role.
There can be no substantive change, however, for as long as the parties pursue what might be called ‘authoritarian conflict strategies’. These include the strategy of control, which disables the voices and representation of significant groups affected by conflict, such as the Armenians in Nagorny Karabakh and the Azerbaijanis displaced from the territory. Another is the relentless focus on communal identities, rather than interests and needs that can be broken down into mechanisms and policies to meet them. These strategies have been powerfully reinforced in recent years by coercion, shutting down political space for non-violent alternatives.
Most of all, however, there is an urgent need for considerably more Armenian-Azerbaijani facetime than has been the case over recent years. Removing the constraints on people-to-people contacts is essential if the current initiative is not to dissolve into a weary feeling of déjà vu. If Armenia and Azerbaijan really want to prepare their peoples for peace, the first step is to restore agency to them.
Jan 23 2019
Solar panel production volumes grow by 4.4 times in Armenia
4,966 units of solar panels have been manufactured in Armenia in January-November 2018, according to the data released by the National Statistical Service (NSS). As the newly released data suggest, the production volumes grew by 4.4 times to compare with the volumes produced in the same period of the previous year.
Meanwhile, the vehicle battery production volumes constituted increase by 31.7%, amounting for 27, 891 units, the source said.
armenpress
24 January 19
Experts from Armenia’s Matenadaran to restore damaged manuscripts from Middle East
Manuscripts that have been damaged during recent years in Middle Eastern countries will be restored with the assistance of Armenian experts, according to Matenadaran Director Vahan Ter-Ghevondyan.
Matenadaran, officially the Mesrop Mashtots Institute of Ancient Manuscripts is a museum, repository of manuscripts, and a research institute in Yerevan, Armenia.
“We are planning to carry out a new major project that has been initiated in 2018. With the assistance of UNESCO, nine experts on restoration of manuscripts arrived to Armenia from Lebanon and Syria, and Matenadaran experts organized a one-week training for raising qualification and deepening knowledge. Let me say that our colleagues were very pleased from the results. UNESCO found it to be one of the successful projects,” Ter-Ghevondyan told ARMENPRESS.
Based on the work, a larger program was initiated – In recent years, cultural values in Syria and Iraq have been greatly damaged, and Ter-Ghevondyan plans to make Matenadaran a regional center for restoration of such manuscripts.
The manuscripts will be brought to Armenia batch by batch, and will be returned after restoration.
“This, I believe, will have both cultural and political significance”, he said.
According to him, Armenian President Armen Sarkissian and UNESCO Director-General Audrey Azoulay have discussed this issue during their most recent meeting. “We are waiting for the final confirmation of the project”, Ter-Ghevondyan said.
Reporting by Anna Gziryan
Edited and translated by Stepan Kocharyan
RFE/RL Report
Armenian Government Vows National Health Insurance
January 23, 2019
Narine Ghalechian
The Armenian government plans to start introducing in 2021 a system of national health insurance that should cover the country’s entire population, Health Minister Arsen Torosian said on Wednesday.
Torosian indicated that an additional income tax will be introduced for that purpose.
“In developed countries, the average income tax rate for medical insurance is 20 percent,” he told a news conference. “These are the wealthiest, most industrialized countries.”
“There are countries, for example in Eastern Europe, where it is set at 2-3 percent. We suppose that we will start with approximately the same rates,” he said.
Public access to healthcare in Armenia declined significantly following the collapse of the Soviet Union as cash-strapped governments allowed hospitals to
legally charge their patients. Most Armenian hospitals were privatized in the 1990s.
Currently only state-run policlinics are required to provide medical services to the population free of charge. Healthcare, including surgeries, is also
supposedly free for children aged 7 and younger. Their parents often have to make hefty informal payments to doctors, however.
Also, for the past several years the state has partly covered healthcare expenses of civil servants, schoolteachers and other public sector employees.
Prime Minister Nikol Pashinian’s My Step alliance promised to ensure “accessible and high-quality healthcare” in the country during the recent
parliamentary election campaign. Its election manifesto said that a compulsory national insurance system will be put in place for that purpose.
Torosian, who is a senior member of My Step, announced that Pashinian’s government has started fully covering the cost of cancer surgeries performed at local hospitals. It will also finance expensive radiation therapy for around 200 cancer patients this year, he said.
In addition, the minister went on, the government will provide underage Armenians suffering from cancer with 15 types of cancer drugs for free.
The Armenian state budget for 2019 commits the government to spending 90 billion drams ($186 million) on healthcare. It envisages pay rises for 14,000 or so doctors and other medical personnel working in the state-run policlinics.
Stratfor
Jan 23 2019
What the Chill in Russian-Armenian Relations Means
Highlights
* Tight ties between Armenia and Russia have long been a mainstay in the Caucasus, but rising tensions between Yerevan and Moscow could significantly undermine their relationship.
* The tensions especially threaten Armenia's military ties with Russia, although they could also impact natural gas flows between the countries.
* If the Russian-Armenian relationship continues to fray, other powers, including the United States, Iran and Turkey, could make inroads in the Caucasus country and weaken Russia's position.
* This, in turn, could force Russia to focus more on bolstering ties with one of Armenia's biggest nemeses, Azerbaijan, raising the prospect of greater instability in the region.
When it comes to former Soviet countries, few states have remained closer to Russia than Armenia. The Caucasus country hosts 5,000 Russian troops at the 102nd military base in Gyumri, while Russia wields substantial influence over most of Armenia's strategic economic sectors, from energy pipelines to telecommunications. Russia is also Armenia's largest trade partner — accounting for 25 percent of total trade — and it is the largest destination for Armenian migrant workers, whose remittances account for 10 percent of their country's gross domestic product. Yerevan is also a member of both the Eurasian Economic Union and the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO), Moscow's primary mechanisms for integrating the countries of the former Soviet Union. Recent political shifts in Armenia, however, have thrown the traditionally strong relationship between Yerevan and Moscow into question – raising the possibility that other powers near and far could step in to fill any breach.
The Tensions Testing an Alliance
Armenia's political system experienced a dramatic political shift when the so-called Velvet Revolution – large-scale protests led by opposition leader Nikol Pashinian – forced long-serving Armenian leader Serzh Sargsyan to resign in April 2018. As a result of the tumult, Armenia held early parliamentary elections last month, and Pashinian's Yelk bloc emerged as the country's dominant political force with 70 percent of the vote.
Russia has observed Pashinian's emergence warily. Moscow staunchly supported Sargsyan's government, and the Kremlin views popular demonstrations both at home and in its immediate vicinity with a great deal of skepticism. Nevertheless, Russia did not intervene in Armenia's mass protests. In part, the Kremlin chose not to do so because Pashinian carefully restricted his criticism of the Armenian government to the domestic issue of corruption, while repeatedly emphasizing his support for Yerevan's alignment with Moscow on strategic and security affairs.
Nonetheless, tensions between the two have grown since Pashinian's rise to power. One reason is his decision to target former Armenian leaders for repressing protests during the 2008 presidential elections. Already, the prime minister has filed criminal charges against former Armenian President Robert Kocharyan and former army chief Yuri Khachaturov. The latter became chief of the Moscow-led CSTO in 2016. But the charges have forced his resignation – angering Russia in the process.
Elsewhere, tensions have grown over Russia's military presence in Armenia. In July 2018, Russian military forces conducted snap drills near the Armenian village of Panik, precipitating protests by residents and drawing a reprimand from Pashinian, who chided Moscow for not giving locals advance notice of the exercises. Since then, demonstrations against Russia's military activities in the country have become increasingly frequent, particularly after a Russian soldier was accused of killing an Armenian woman in Gyumri early last month. (The killing sparked specific protests in front of the Russian Embassy in Yerevan on Dec. 25, 2018, as well as another demonstration in Gyumri on Jan. 12.) Although the rallies have drawn only a couple hundred people at most — a far cry from the tens of thousands who took to the streets with Pashinian last year — they nevertheless reflect a growing concern among ordinary Armenians over Russia's military presence.
Other security matters have added to the tension between the countries. During a visit to Yerevan in October 2018, U.S. national security adviser John Bolton said the United States would consider the possibility of selling weapons to Armenia, declaring that such a consideration was "fundamental to Armenia exercising its full sovereignty and not being dependent on or subject to excessive foreign influence." The identity of the country alluded to in Bolton's remarks was lost on no one — least of all Russia, which promptly condemned the statement and called on the United States to refrain from interference in its affairs. Pashinian, meanwhile, told Bolton that Yerevan was open to discussing an arms deal.
Naturally, an Armenian-U.S. weapons deal would compromise Russia's monopoly on arms sales to Armenia and force Moscow to rethink its role as Yerevan's security guarantor. Russia plays a key role in protecting Armenia from Azerbaijan over their Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, whose primary arbiter is Moscow. The Kremlin already supplies certain weapons to Azerbaijan, but Russia could certainly ramp up such support if Armenia actually purchased U.S. arms. This, in turn, could lead Azerbaijan to take a more aggressive line over the disputed territory of Nagorno-Karabakh at a time when Russia is more likely to turn a blind eye, given Armenia's perceived disloyalty.
Disagreements are also brewing in other traditionally strong areas of Russian-Armenian cooperation, including the energy sector. Following recent negotiations over natural gas, Russia increased the price from $150 per thousand cubic meters (tcm) in 2018 to $165 per tcm in 2019, disappointing Armenian officials who had previously expressed hope that Russia would actually lower the cost of natural gas. A likely factor in Russia's price hike was the Armenian State Revenue Committee's recent decision to audit Gazprom Armenia. The inspection revealed numerous violations, ultimately prompting prosecutors to press charges of tax evasion against the Russian gas giant. Pashinian subsequently indicated his interest in expanding natural gas imports from Iran, noting that his government would do its best to defend the country's interests.
These tensions notwithstanding, Pashinian has repeatedly emphasized Armenia's desire to maintain close ties with Russia, endorsing Yerevan's continued membership in the Eurasian Economic Union and the CSTO in several meetings with Russian President Vladimir Putin. In the end, Armenia's continued dependence on Russia for security support and its nonexistent relations with both Azerbaijan and Turkey due to Nagorno-Karabakh means Yerevan is unlikely to make any sudden moves to end its strategic alliance with Russia. Moscow, too, is likely to avoid disrupting ties, since Armenia represents Russia's primary foothold in the Caucasus. Russia could be amenable to some Armenian initiatives to diversify its economic and energy links, yet both countries have a vested interest in retaining a tight military and security relationship.
The divergence between Moscow and Yerevan is one that others can exploit in their bid to improve ties with Armenia and the wider region.
Room for Opportunity
Nevertheless, the divergence between Moscow and Yerevan is one that others can exploit in their bid to improve ties with Armenia and in the wider region. In addition to the U.S. offer of arms sales, Iran could increase its natural gas exports to Armenia, while the European Union has also made more economic and political overtures to the country. This is something that Yerevan could consider more seriously down the line — although that would only exacerbate the standoff between Russia and the West. In the meantime, Turkey could even return to the stage and make a serious push to normalize ties following the failure of similar bilateral efforts in 2009, though any such detente would depend on a settlement in Nagorno-Karabakh. Whatever the case, the more tensions simmer between Russia and Armenia — thereby attracting others eager to take advantage of the rift – the more Moscow and Yerevan's long-standing relationship could unravel over time.
In the Caucasus, Russia's alignment with Armenia continually reaffirms the close bond between Turkey and Azerbaijan, while Georgia is a key economic and energy transit state between the two and participates regularly in joint military exercises with Ankara and Baku. Georgia is also aligned with — though not a member of — the European Union and NATO, while Russia supports the breakaway territories of Abkhazia and South Ossetia to undermine Georgia and hinder this alignment. Iran has long enjoyed strong economic ties with Armenia but has a complex relationship with its coreligionists in Azerbaijan due to its own substantial Azeri minority in northern Iran. Given the number of interconnected and volatile relationships in the region, it's no wonder that any extended rift between Russia and Armenia would send ripple effects throughout the Caucasus – and farther beyond.
Big News Network
Jan 24 2019
London features riveting play on Armenian Genocide
Source: PanArmenian.Net
Next week will see the premiere of a new London production of "Beast on the Moon". This highly acclaimed play on the aftermath of the Armenian Genocide has been commissioned by Finborough Theatre and will be performed between 29 Jan and 23 Feb., 2019, MassisPost reports.
The setting is Milwaukee in the 1920s. A survivor of the Armenian Genocide, Aram, believes he will begin a new life when his teenage 'mail-order' bride, Seta, arrives to join him. They are a couple united by history - both survivors of the Armenian Genocide. But their painful, shared experience does nothing to promote domestic harmony as Aram is obsessed with creating a family to replace the one he lost in such savage circumstances, and Seta, just fifteen and trapped by the traditions of the old ways, struggles to embrace her new life in a new country.
Beast on the Moon was last performed in the United Kingdom at Battersea Arts Centre in 1996 to much acclaim. "Richard Kalinoski's small, quiet play has a big, unashamedly sentimental heart as it charts Aram and Seta's difficult marriage and explores how it is possible to live when all the rest of your family have died " said The Guardian (London). "The past finds a sort of closure, but the author's skill has kept us on tenterhooks throughout, uncertain whether any happy outcome can be possible" said The London Times Online and "Humane, funny and touching, 'Beast on the Moon' presents the claims of both past and future with fairness and empathy" commented The Independent (London)
The organisers of the play, sensitive to their subject matter, have included a number of post-performance discussions on the Armenian Genocide and its enduring legacy. They will be hosted by Ara Sarafian (Gomidas Institute), Misak Ohanian (Centre for Armenian Information and Advice) and Sally Gimson (Index on Censorship). For more information see finboroughtheatre.co.uk
Oxford Mail, UK
Jan 24 2019
Tigran brings Armenian jazz genius to Oxford's SJE Arts
By Tim Hughes
A master of jazz piano, Tigran Hamasyan is loved around the world for his flights of musical fancy and blending of styles. But the Armenian composer and musician admits his career could have ended up very differently indeed, as his first ambition was to be a heavy metal guitarist.
“I was born and raised in a town which was, at the time, part of the Soviet Union,” he recalls.
“As a toddler I was exposed to a lot of classic hard rock bands that my father listened to. He was really passionate about rock and would pay a fortune for a number of records that were smuggled into Soviet Armenia.
“He would pay his entire month’s salary to get the new Led Zeppelin album and there is this story that he was once taken in by the KGB because he played a Black Sabbath song at a party!”
Metal’s loss was jazz’s gain, however. Under the guidance of his funk and soul-loving uncle, and with the help of a piano at his grandparents’ home, he was initiated in the magic of James Brown, Al Jarreau and Curtis Mayfield as well as jazz stars like Herbie Hancock, Miles Davis and Chick Corea.
Tigran recalls: “I remember being so into Herbie that I even transcribed Chameleon.
“As a child, I would also pick up songs by Led Zeppelin and Black Sabbath and try to imitate them on the piano – I loved improvising around what I was listening to.
“At the age of 11, I had an incredible jazz teacher named Vahagn Hayrapetyan, who finally taught me how to improvise within structure, through teaching me bebop.”
Tomorrow Tigran returns to Oxford for a show at St John the Evangelist in Iffley Road. The gig will see him performing favourites from his surprisingly lengthy repertoire (given that he is still only 30) along with tunes from 2017’s An Ancient Observer – in which he reflects on his return to Armenia after more than a decade of living in the United States.
Tigran left his hometown of Gyumri and moved to Los Angeles as a teenager, acquiring his own piano – an upright Yamaha – at the age of 16. There he developed his unique style of Armenian-accented jazz.
He has released eight studio albums and fans include jazz legends Brad Mehldau, Chick Corea and Herbie Hancock.
“The category of my music is called Armenian independent soulful punk jazz,” he says. “With a bit of classical and thrash metal spice!”
And what inspires him? “Human beings.” he says.
Tigran has been back in independent Armenia for five years and is one of its greatest cultural ambassadors. His journey inspired latest album An Ancient Observer – on which he reflects on his return to Armenia after more than a decade of living in America. the album will form the basis for tomorrow’s concert.
“Armenia is Eden on earth,” he waxes. “It’s a mountainous country with rich nature from high altitude desert-like places to lush green mountainous regions.
“It is full of ancient and new culture. It’s a place where, up until industrialisation, every single bit of daily life was accompanied by music. It’s the place where people first embraced Christianity – it’s the state religion.
“It is also a country where there are water fountains everywhere for people to drink spring water; a place where numerous poets, musicians and architects created masterpieces that are still standing and are part of our daily life; a place where monasteries were built on unreachable mountain tops and where a poor person will invite a stranger in and offer all he has.
“It’s the place where Noah’s ark landed.”
So is he proud to be putting the country on the musical map?
“I am not putting Armenia on the musical map,” he answers. “It’s the country that’s putting me on the map.”
And that map covers the world. The pianist admits he loves touring and has plenty of stories of life on the road.
So, are there any amusing tales he might care to share? “Well, there are a lot of them,” he says.
“I am the type of person that always spills or drops something. I frequently injure myself accidentally. Really dumb stuff happens to me all the time.
“My band members call it ‘having a Tigran moment’.
“The worst one I can remember now is the occasion that I was so into the moment during one concert with my trio, that I hit my head on the edge of the piano. I started getting light-headed and this giant bump appeared on my head during the song.”
He goes on: “I try to explore on tour too, but the concert the most important thing; that is the reason I travel. I always have to make sure I don’t get too tired and explore too much.
“Unfortunately, I have not yet had a chance to really explore Oxford. I am looking forward to it though.”
So what little luxuries does he bring with him to make life on the road a little smoother? “Dark chocolate, a computer, some books and my phone – so I can record new ideas and compositions,” he says.
“And every once in a while, some Armenian brandy!”
So does he still daydream about becoming a hard rocker?
“I would love to play the guitar, but I still have so much to figure out on the piano,” he says.
“I love certain metal bands – not just any metal band though.
“I love the that sound; I love metal, but it’s unlikely you’ll get a metal record from me – although I have made several records that have metal influences.
Dr. Dikran Abrahamian - Keghart.com
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