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Showing posts with label 19th July 2008. Show all posts
Showing posts with label 19th July 2008. Show all posts
Saturday, 19 July 2008
More on significant Armenia political developments
Also have a look at the latest CNN tourism advert from Armenia by clicking on the attachment.
Note how the Turkish side demand a flexible attitude from Armenia while remaining unchanged in their stance.
Armenia, Turkey `In Secret Talks'
By Armen Koloyan in Prague and Emil Danielyan
Armenia and Turkey have held confidential negotiations to discuss a new opening for the normalization of their strained relations, a leading Turkish newspaper reported on Friday.
A senior U.S. official, meanwhile, expressed hope that Turkish President Abdullah Gul will accept his Armenian counterpart Serzh Sarkisian's invitation to arrive in Yerevan on September 6 for a World Cup qualifier match between the two countries' national football teams.
The mass-circulation daily `Hurriyet' said senior diplomats from the two countries met in the Swiss capital Berne on July 8 and and held talks for several days. It quoted the unnamed head of the Turkish delegation in the talks as saying that `the meeting took place in a positive atmosphere.' No details were reported.
Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan did not deny the report, saying the two countries have contacts "from time to time" and stressing that Ankara favours dialogue with its northeastern neighbour. "We have contacts with Armenian colleagues from time to time," Babacan told reporters, according to AFP news agency. "It is important to discuss how relations between the two countries can be normalised through dialogue."
The Armenian Foreign Ministry could not be reached for comment on Friday.
According to `Hurriyet,' the reported talks were made possible by Sarkisian's recent overtures to Ankara, including the invitation extended to Gul. In an article published by `The Wall Street Journal' on July 9, Sarkisian said Armenia is ready to engage in `a new phase of dialogue with the government and people of Turkey.'
Turkish Foreign Minister Ali Babacan told the private NTV television on Wednesday that Gul has not yet decided whether to accept the extraordinary invitation. "Such a participation would depend on the developments ahead of the match," he said.
Babacan also said that the onus is on the Armenian side to normalize Turkish-Armenian relations. `Armenia should decide: Should the problems continue or should we open a new chapter in relations?' he said, according to `The Turkish Daily News.'
Gul was one of the first foreign leaders to congratulate Sarkisian on his victory in Armenia's recent presidential election. Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Babacan sent similar messages to their newly appointed Armenian counterparts in April. They both said Ankara wants to start `dialogue' with Yerevan to address problems hampering the normalization of Turkish-Armenian ties.
U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matthew Bryza described these developments as `quite encouraging' and urged both sides to step up the search for a rapprochement. `I think they have a real chance to do so,' he said.
`President Gul is a courageous leader, and we very much hope that he will be able to accept that generous invitation from President Sarkisian, which would transform this modest football match into what could be a real ground-breaking moment,' Bryza told RFE/RL.
Bryza also praised Sarkisian for stating last month that Yerevan is ready to accept, in principle, the Erdogan government's proposal to set up a Turkish-Armenian commission of historians who would examine the 1915 mass killings of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire.
The apparent policy change was condemned by the Armenian opposition led by former President Levon Ter-Petrosian and prompted concern from the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (Dashnaktsutyun), a junior partner in the governing coalition. Dashnaktsutyun leaders say Sarkisian has clarified that the would-be commission should study `details of the genocide,' rather that determine whether the mass killings constituted a genocide.
Writing in `The Wall Street Journal,' Sarkisian appeared to further backpedal on his June statement and revert to his predecessor Robert Kocharian's belief that the 1915 massacres and other issues of mutual concern should be discussed by a Turkish-Armenian inter-governmental
body.
`It is odd to us that some people have decided to criticize President Sarkisian for taking those courageous steps when in fact some of those same people used to propose those very same steps,' Bryza said, in an apparent reference to Ter-Petrosian, who is known for his otherwise
conciliatory line on Turkish-Armenian relations.
Bryza also made clear that the United States has no plans to offer to act as a mediator in a Turkish-Armenian dialogue. `The parties need to talk to themselves and figure out what they want,' he said. `If they ask us to do that, we would consider it. But we are not mediators of Armenia's relations with Turkey.'
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ ~~~~~
AGGRESSIVE AZERBAJAN; TALK OF WAR FROM AZERBAJAN, OVER NAGORNO-KARABAKH
Economist.Com
July 17, 2008 Thursday
THE ECONOMIST INTELLIGENCE UNIT
Having spent heavily on its military, Azerbaijan has raised the possibility of recovering Nagorno-Karabakh and its other occupied territories by force. Although the forthcoming presidential election is a factor, this more aggressive stance is not mere bluster. Azerbaijan is frustrated at the failure of 14 years of negotiation and has concluded that a credible military threat might be the best way to force the Karabakh Armenians to make concessions--or, if that fails, to drive them out.
Talk of war
OSCE observers carried out an unscheduled monitoring of one sectionof the ceasefire line by Nagorno-Karabakh on July 16th, following allegations from both sides of violations. The atmosphere has been tense ever since Azerbaijan's president, Ilham Aliyev, said in early
June that although Azerbaijan would continue to take political steps to recover Karabakh and neighbouring territories under Armenian control, "we should be ready to liberate our lands in a military way at any time." He added that Azerbaijan's army was the strongest in the region.
In the wake of Mr Aliyev's remarks there has been considerable debate in Azerbaijan's press regarding a military solution to the Karabakh problem. Armenian politicians have been deeply critical, seeking to draw international attention to Mr Aliyev's remarks and to generate support for their position. Within Karabakh itself, the response has been less diplomatic. On July 16th the entity's defence minister claimed that he had sufficient military capability to repel any Azerbaijani attack.
As the exchanges of gunfire across the ceasefire line in recent weeks attest, Karabakh is not really a frozen conflict--nor has it been for much of the time since the 1994 ceasefire. For Azerbaijan, moreover, the stakes are enormous: some 15% of its territory is under occupation. In addition to Karabakh, seven other regions within Azerbaijan's internationally recognised borders are being held by the Karabakh Armenians, only two of which are needed to maintain a land
connection to Armenia. The occupation of the seven regions arguably arouses more ire within Azerbaijan than the occupation of Karabakh itself, because there is no political justification for it.
The major change in the situation in recent years has been on the Azerbaijani side: the army that lost the war is undergoing a transformation funded by the country's oil windfall. Mr Aliyev said
recently that defence spending had risen tenfold since 2003 and now stood at $2USbn annually. Already this is far in excess of Armenia's defence budget and it is set to rise still further. The military hardware that Azerbaijan has acquired is not on its own regarded as sufficient to recover the occupied territories, but it is a statement of intent. The crucial element is understood to be the quality of Azerbaijan's troops. Pointedly, Mr Aliyev said in early June that their professionalism is increasing daily.
Welling frustration
The more bellicose tone adopted by Azerbaijan's government is probably connected in part to the presidential election due later this year, which Mr Aliyev is all but certain to win. However it is wrong simply to ascribe the increase in war talk to electoral factors.
Azerbaijan is deeply dissatisfied with the work of the OSCE's Minsk Group, which comprises the US, Russia and France and is charged with seeking a solution to the conflict. Since 1994, the Minsk Group has achieved little or nothing. In Azerbaijani eyes, Russia prefers to
keep the conflict frozen in order to preserve its own influence in the Caucasus. France is regarded as passive and biased in favour of Armenia because of the Armenian diaspora among its citizenry. Most hope is invested in the US, but it is viewed as having failed to overcome Russian obstructionism (and the US too has an influential Armenian diaspora).
Muscular diplomacy
The frustration with the Minsk Group is understandable, but perhaps misses the point. The conflict has remained frozen not because the mechanisms are wrong, but because there is insufficient political will on both sides to compromise. The conflict is deadlocked because, while the status quo is unacceptable to Azerbaijan, the Karabakh Armenians
are broadly satisfied with it--or rather, they prefer the status quo to a compromise that would involve the loss of a land-bridge to Armenia or the acceptance of substantial autonomy in Azerbaijan. Hence the failure to reach a negotiated solution.
Until recently, the threat of Azerbaijani military action was not sufficiently serious to sway Karabakh Armenian calculations. Baku seems to have concluded that the best way forward is to change the other side's calculations by posing a more credible military threat.
It is therefore wrong to dismiss Azerbaijan's re-armament and more aggressive stance merely as pre-election bluster. It is a response to the failure of conflict resolution, and it betrays a belief that a change the balance of power in the region is one way to force the Armenian side to be more flexible in negotiations. For Azerbaijan's leadership, this course of action has the added attraction of creating
an option to seek to recover the territories by force if its more muscular diplomacy fails.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Economist.Com
July 17, 2008 Thursday
THE ECONOMIST INTELLIGENCE UNIT
Having spent heavily on its military, Azerbaijan has raised the possibility of recovering Nagorno-Karabakh and its other occupied territories by force. Although the forthcoming presidential election is a factor, this more aggressive stance is not mere bluster. Azerbaijan is frustrated at the failure of 14 years of negotiation and has concluded that a credible military threat might be the best way to force the Karabakh Armenians to make concessions--or, if that fails, to drive them out.
Talk of war
OSCE observers carried out an unscheduled monitoring of one sectionof the ceasefire line by Nagorno-Karabakh on July 16th, following allegations from both sides of violations. The atmosphere has been tense ever since Azerbaijan's president, Ilham Aliyev, said in early
June that although Azerbaijan would continue to take political steps to recover Karabakh and neighbouring territories under Armenian control, "we should be ready to liberate our lands in a military way at any time." He added that Azerbaijan's army was the strongest in the region.
In the wake of Mr Aliyev's remarks there has been considerable debate in Azerbaijan's press regarding a military solution to the Karabakh problem. Armenian politicians have been deeply critical, seeking to draw international attention to Mr Aliyev's remarks and to generate support for their position. Within Karabakh itself, the response has been less diplomatic. On July 16th the entity's defence minister claimed that he had sufficient military capability to repel any Azerbaijani attack.
As the exchanges of gunfire across the ceasefire line in recent weeks attest, Karabakh is not really a frozen conflict--nor has it been for much of the time since the 1994 ceasefire. For Azerbaijan, moreover, the stakes are enormous: some 15% of its territory is under occupation. In addition to Karabakh, seven other regions within Azerbaijan's internationally recognised borders are being held by the Karabakh Armenians, only two of which are needed to maintain a land
connection to Armenia. The occupation of the seven regions arguably arouses more ire within Azerbaijan than the occupation of Karabakh itself, because there is no political justification for it.
The major change in the situation in recent years has been on the Azerbaijani side: the army that lost the war is undergoing a transformation funded by the country's oil windfall. Mr Aliyev said
recently that defence spending had risen tenfold since 2003 and now stood at $2USbn annually. Already this is far in excess of Armenia's defence budget and it is set to rise still further. The military hardware that Azerbaijan has acquired is not on its own regarded as sufficient to recover the occupied territories, but it is a statement of intent. The crucial element is understood to be the quality of Azerbaijan's troops. Pointedly, Mr Aliyev said in early June that their professionalism is increasing daily.
Welling frustration
The more bellicose tone adopted by Azerbaijan's government is probably connected in part to the presidential election due later this year, which Mr Aliyev is all but certain to win. However it is wrong simply to ascribe the increase in war talk to electoral factors.
Azerbaijan is deeply dissatisfied with the work of the OSCE's Minsk Group, which comprises the US, Russia and France and is charged with seeking a solution to the conflict. Since 1994, the Minsk Group has achieved little or nothing. In Azerbaijani eyes, Russia prefers to
keep the conflict frozen in order to preserve its own influence in the Caucasus. France is regarded as passive and biased in favour of Armenia because of the Armenian diaspora among its citizenry. Most hope is invested in the US, but it is viewed as having failed to overcome Russian obstructionism (and the US too has an influential Armenian diaspora).
Muscular diplomacy
The frustration with the Minsk Group is understandable, but perhaps misses the point. The conflict has remained frozen not because the mechanisms are wrong, but because there is insufficient political will on both sides to compromise. The conflict is deadlocked because, while the status quo is unacceptable to Azerbaijan, the Karabakh Armenians
are broadly satisfied with it--or rather, they prefer the status quo to a compromise that would involve the loss of a land-bridge to Armenia or the acceptance of substantial autonomy in Azerbaijan. Hence the failure to reach a negotiated solution.
Until recently, the threat of Azerbaijani military action was not sufficiently serious to sway Karabakh Armenian calculations. Baku seems to have concluded that the best way forward is to change the other side's calculations by posing a more credible military threat.
It is therefore wrong to dismiss Azerbaijan's re-armament and more aggressive stance merely as pre-election bluster. It is a response to the failure of conflict resolution, and it betrays a belief that a change the balance of power in the region is one way to force the Armenian side to be more flexible in negotiations. For Azerbaijan's leadership, this course of action has the added attraction of creating
an option to seek to recover the territories by force if its more muscular diplomacy fails.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
U.S. Assessment Of Sarkisian Presidency Mixed
By Emil Danielyan
A senior U.S. official offered on Friday a mixed assessment of President Serzh Sarkisian's track record in power, welcoming his `positive steps' to end Armenia's post-election political crisis but expressing concern about the continuing government crackdown on the opposition.
`There have been some positive steps by the government recently to heal damage from the tragedy of March 1-2,' Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matthew Bryza told RFE/RL in an interview.
`But we still have concerns about some people that were detained for political accusations or supposed crimes,' he said. `We have lingering concerns about freedom of assembly not being restored fully and we still worry about the divide between the government and opposition.'
Ever since he took office on April 9, Sarkisian has been under pressure from the United States and other Western powers to end the crackdown that involved mass arrests and the use of lethal force against opposition demonstrators demanding a re-run of the February 19 presidential election. U.S. officials have repeatedly urged the newArmenian administrations to release all political prisoners, abolish severe restrictions on freedom of assembly and engage in dialogue with the opposition led by former President Levon Ter-Petrosian.
Bryza said earlier that such `dramatic' steps are essential for repairing damage caused to U.S.-Armenian relations by what Washington considers a `significantly flawed' election and the Armenian government's handling of the ensued opposition protests in Yerevan. The political situation in Armenia was on the agenda of Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandian's talks in Washington this week with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Bryza and other U.S. officials.
`I don't think we are at a `dramatic' phase yet, but we are seeing some positive momentum,' Bryza said. `The direction has shifted and is much better.'
`It seems that President Sarkisian understands the challenges that face the country and what issues need some work,' he said, speaking from Washington. `We have seen some leadership from him on a number fronts and we appreciate that.'
The U.S. official argued that the Ter-Petrosian-led opposition has now better access to Armenia's government-controlled TV stations and more freedom to hold rallies and pointed to the launch of a parliamentary inquiry into the deadly March 1-2 clashes in Yerevan. `It would be even better if the opposition were participating in the inquiry and we hope that the government can convince the opposition to join,' he said.
Bryza went on to heap praise on Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian for his stated efforts to combat corruption, ensure equal government treatment of all businesses and reform Armenia's tax and customs services. `The prime minister is setting a good example as he takes on tough issues and is advancing a reform agenda,' he said.
Bryza at the same time reiterated U.S. concerns about the continuing imprisonment of dozens of opposition members and supporters on charges which he said are often `unpersuasive.' `Those are issues that make it impossible to say that the democratic momentum has been fully restored,'he said, adding that that is the reason why Washington is in no rush to unblock the release of additional economic assistance to Armenia under the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) program.
The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), which administers the scheme, pointedly declined last month to disburse a fresh installment of the $236 million aid package designed to upgrade Armenia's rural infrastructure. The MCC board said it will `continue to monitor the situation' and will again discuss the matter at its next meeting due in September.
`It's too early to tell now whether the MCC board will decide to continue or end the program in September,' said Bryza.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
By Emil Danielyan
A senior U.S. official offered on Friday a mixed assessment of President Serzh Sarkisian's track record in power, welcoming his `positive steps' to end Armenia's post-election political crisis but expressing concern about the continuing government crackdown on the opposition.
`There have been some positive steps by the government recently to heal damage from the tragedy of March 1-2,' Deputy Assistant Secretary of State Matthew Bryza told RFE/RL in an interview.
`But we still have concerns about some people that were detained for political accusations or supposed crimes,' he said. `We have lingering concerns about freedom of assembly not being restored fully and we still worry about the divide between the government and opposition.'
Ever since he took office on April 9, Sarkisian has been under pressure from the United States and other Western powers to end the crackdown that involved mass arrests and the use of lethal force against opposition demonstrators demanding a re-run of the February 19 presidential election. U.S. officials have repeatedly urged the newArmenian administrations to release all political prisoners, abolish severe restrictions on freedom of assembly and engage in dialogue with the opposition led by former President Levon Ter-Petrosian.
Bryza said earlier that such `dramatic' steps are essential for repairing damage caused to U.S.-Armenian relations by what Washington considers a `significantly flawed' election and the Armenian government's handling of the ensued opposition protests in Yerevan. The political situation in Armenia was on the agenda of Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandian's talks in Washington this week with Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice, Bryza and other U.S. officials.
`I don't think we are at a `dramatic' phase yet, but we are seeing some positive momentum,' Bryza said. `The direction has shifted and is much better.'
`It seems that President Sarkisian understands the challenges that face the country and what issues need some work,' he said, speaking from Washington. `We have seen some leadership from him on a number fronts and we appreciate that.'
The U.S. official argued that the Ter-Petrosian-led opposition has now better access to Armenia's government-controlled TV stations and more freedom to hold rallies and pointed to the launch of a parliamentary inquiry into the deadly March 1-2 clashes in Yerevan. `It would be even better if the opposition were participating in the inquiry and we hope that the government can convince the opposition to join,' he said.
Bryza went on to heap praise on Prime Minister Tigran Sarkisian for his stated efforts to combat corruption, ensure equal government treatment of all businesses and reform Armenia's tax and customs services. `The prime minister is setting a good example as he takes on tough issues and is advancing a reform agenda,' he said.
Bryza at the same time reiterated U.S. concerns about the continuing imprisonment of dozens of opposition members and supporters on charges which he said are often `unpersuasive.' `Those are issues that make it impossible to say that the democratic momentum has been fully restored,'he said, adding that that is the reason why Washington is in no rush to unblock the release of additional economic assistance to Armenia under the Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) program.
The Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC), which administers the scheme, pointedly declined last month to disburse a fresh installment of the $236 million aid package designed to upgrade Armenia's rural infrastructure. The MCC board said it will `continue to monitor the situation' and will again discuss the matter at its next meeting due in September.
`It's too early to tell now whether the MCC board will decide to continue or end the program in September,' said Bryza.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Friday, 18 July 2008
Advance Notification - St Sarkis Church Ladies Committee Bazaar - 17 August 2008
Please insert 17 August in your diaries for the Bazaar that follows the St Sarkis Church service.
The sale proceeds will be put to excellent causes.
The St Sarkis ladies have distributed over £21,350 since 2001 to a wide range of beneficiaries including:
Kavar Orphanage
Lord Byron School, Gyumri
Gyumri Blind School
Gyumri Disabled Children School
Gyumri Old Peoples Home
Sugar, Rice, Flour supplied to needy families in Gyumri
Diocese of Aragatsodn for needy children
Cows and Goats supplied to 7 very needy families
Hrashk Kindergarten (through Hayastan Fund Project)
Goris No1 School
Doufashen School
Father Avedis of Spitak for needy children
Hayastan All Armenia Fund
Armenianow sponsored HYESANTA
Marina Memorial Foundation
So do come along with full purses to buy as much of the superb food the ladies prepare as you can, to help those in need in Armenia!
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More Armenian News
DECISION ON TURK-ARMENIA GAME RESTS ON DEVELOPMENTS
Hurriyet
July 16 2008
Turkey
Turkish President Abdullah Gul's attendance at a soccer match
in Armenia will depend on developments that occur between the two
countries between now and the match date, Foreign Minister Ali Babacan
said in a televised interview on Wednesday.
"Such participation would depend on the developments between today
and the match date," Babacan told NTV.
Armenian President Serzh Sarksyan has invited Gul to visit Yerevan
for a soccer match in September, marking "a new start" in relations
between the two states. Turkey is due to play Armenia in a World Cup
qualifier on Sept 6.
"Until now we, as Turkey, took unilateral steps... This (match
invitation) is the result of the one-sided steps we took," Babacan
said.
Turkey is among the first countries that recognized Armenia when it
declared its independency. However there is no diplomatic relations
between two countries, as Armenia presses the international community
to admit the so-called "genocide" claims instead of accepting Turkey's
call to investigate the allegations, and its invasion of 20 percent
of Azerbaijani territory despite the U.N. Security Council resolutions
on the issue.
Babacan also warned that any decision of Washington to accept
the so-called "genocide" claims would "greatly harm bilateral
relations". U.S. presidential hopeful Barack Obama had declared if
elected, his administration would accept the claims to woo Armenian
voters.
"This is why a thorough assessment needs to made. Such a decision
could lead to serious and negative consequences...We have seen this
in the previous campaign terms. Their approach to issues during the
campaign term differs from that shown after the elections," he added
when asked about Obama's view on the 1915 incidents.
Armenia, with the backing of the Diaspora, claims up to 1.5 million
of their kin were slaughtered in orchestrated killings in 1915. Turkey
rejects the claims, saying that 300,000 Armenians along with at least
as many Turks died in civil strife that emerged when the Armenians
took up arms for independence in eastern Anatolia.
Hurriyet
July 16 2008
Turkey
Turkish President Abdullah Gul's attendance at a soccer match
in Armenia will depend on developments that occur between the two
countries between now and the match date, Foreign Minister Ali Babacan
said in a televised interview on Wednesday.
"Such participation would depend on the developments between today
and the match date," Babacan told NTV.
Armenian President Serzh Sarksyan has invited Gul to visit Yerevan
for a soccer match in September, marking "a new start" in relations
between the two states. Turkey is due to play Armenia in a World Cup
qualifier on Sept 6.
"Until now we, as Turkey, took unilateral steps... This (match
invitation) is the result of the one-sided steps we took," Babacan
said.
Turkey is among the first countries that recognized Armenia when it
declared its independency. However there is no diplomatic relations
between two countries, as Armenia presses the international community
to admit the so-called "genocide" claims instead of accepting Turkey's
call to investigate the allegations, and its invasion of 20 percent
of Azerbaijani territory despite the U.N. Security Council resolutions
on the issue.
Babacan also warned that any decision of Washington to accept
the so-called "genocide" claims would "greatly harm bilateral
relations". U.S. presidential hopeful Barack Obama had declared if
elected, his administration would accept the claims to woo Armenian
voters.
"This is why a thorough assessment needs to made. Such a decision
could lead to serious and negative consequences...We have seen this
in the previous campaign terms. Their approach to issues during the
campaign term differs from that shown after the elections," he added
when asked about Obama's view on the 1915 incidents.
Armenia, with the backing of the Diaspora, claims up to 1.5 million
of their kin were slaughtered in orchestrated killings in 1915. Turkey
rejects the claims, saying that 300,000 Armenians along with at least
as many Turks died in civil strife that emerged when the Armenians
took up arms for independence in eastern Anatolia.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Can Armenia's Football Diplomacy Work?
By Brian Whitmore in Prague
Armenian President Serzh Sarkisian has decided to try a little "football
diplomacy" to defuse longstanding tensions with neighboring Turkey.
During a recent visit to Moscow, Sarkisian made waves by publicly
announcing that he would like his Turkish counterpart, Abdullah Gul, to
come to Yerevan to watch a World Cup qualifying match between the two
countries in September.
The Armenian leader repeated the invitation in a commentary published in
the U.S. daily "The Wall Street Journal" last week (July 9). The Turkish
Foreign Ministry says it is "studying" the proposal.
The sports element lends Sarkisian's overture a tantalizing historical
appeal, evoking memories of the "ping-pong diplomacy" of the 1970s --
when an exchange of table-tennis teams helped set the stage for eventual
rapprochement between the United States and China.
But what caused many observers to wonder aloud whether the current
initiative might just lead to something serious was Russia's apparent
willingness to throw its diplomatic weight behind the idea -- and grab
the mantle on an issue where U.S. diplomats have, until now, played the
leading role. "Russian diplomats have been given the task of moving
beyond the American initiative to normalize Armenian-Turkish relations,"
explains David Hovhannisian, a former Armenian diplomat and
Yerevan-based political analyst.
Hovhannisyan points out that it is highly unlikely that Sarkisian would
have made his dramatic gesture in Moscow without his host's consent.
Moreover, just a week after Sarkisian's visit to Moscow, Russian Foreign
Minister Sergei Lavrov traveled to Istanbul (on July 2), with the
Armenia issue reportedly part of his agenda. Adding to the air of
anticipation, Armenian Foreign Minister Edward Nalbandian flew to
Washington for an official visit this week.
As Bulent Aliriza, director of the Turkey Program at the Center for
Strategic and International Studies in Washington, explains, a
Turkish-Armenian thaw would serve Russia's interests: "Moscow has
developed a good relationship with Ankara, and being able to continue to
develop that relationship, without complications emanating from its
support for Yerevan, would be something that I think the Russian
government would welcome," he says.
Most analysts say it is highly unlikely that Turkey would make any moves
toward rapprochement with Armenia without Azerbaijan's consent -- making
Armenian-Turkish reconciliation tightly bound to a settlement of the
Nagorno-Karabakh issue. Moreover, Yerevan's claim that the mass killings
of Armenians in the Ottoman Empire at the end of World War I constitutes
genocide is angrily rejected by Turkey and continues to be a major
roadblock in normalizing relations.
Omer Lutem head of the Armenia department at the Istanbul-based Eurasian
Strategic Research Center tells RFE/RL's Azerbaijani Service that Ankara
is unlikely to make any moves toward opening the border unless Armenia
addresses these issues. "It looks like Armenia seriously wants to
negotiate, but as far as we see there is no change in their position on
Karabakh or on questions of Turkey's territorial integrity,' he says.
`Will they give up on their claims of genocide, or will they fight? Will
they make changes or not? It is not clear. If there will not be any
changes, how will the question be resolved?"
Alizira agrees that untangling this web and resolving these issues will
prove to be a complicated task: "There have been a lot of false dawns on
this front. So it's difficult to believe that we are on the verge of a
new opening between Turkey and Armenia because there are many issues
that need to be resolved."
But some observers say that the politics of the region at this
particular time gives Moscow plenty of incentives to try. Russia has
been steadily losing influence in the South Caucasus in recent years.
Relations with Georgia are embroiled in deep hostility over the
pro-Moscow separatist regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia, and over
Tbilisi's bid to join NATO. Azerbaijan, whose energy wealth grants it a
degree of independence from Moscow, is increasingly looking West as
well. Russia maintains a large degree of influence in Armenia, where it
maintains a military base and has invested heavily -- particularly in
the energy sector.
Alexander Iskandarian, director of Caucasus Media Institute in Yerevan,
calls Armenia "Russia's only trusted partner in the South Caucuses,"
adding that it is not in Russia's interests to have such an ally
isolated, with its borders with Turkey and Azerbaijan closed: "When
Russia was in a different position in the South Caucuses, the fact that
Armenia was so isolated wasn't so troublesome. Since the situation has
changed, Russia is less satisfied with this situation."
Iskandarian adds that Russian firms investing in Armenia badly want the
border opened so they can use the country as a springboard to expand
their markets throughout the region and beyond: "If the road to Turkey
were open, and it will open if there would be normal diplomatic
relations, Russian capital here could use this,' he says. `It could go
to the Turkish market, export goods and services. And Russian capital
and Russian investment in Armenia is not small. This opens possibilities
and makes entry into the southern European and Middle Eastern markets
cheaper."
Total Russian investment in Armenia reached $1.2 billion this year. A
spin-off company of Russia's former electricity monopoly United Energy
Systems operates Armenia's only nuclear power plant and would like to
use Armenia's grid to sell power to Turkey and elsewhere in the region.
The state-controlled natural-gas monopoly Gazprom owns a majority stake
in Armenia's gas-distribution network. Russian investment is also heavy
in the banking and gaming sectors.
Questions remain, however, about whether Russia has enough over Turkey
and Armenia to broker a deal. "I don't think that they have much
leverage on the Turkish side of the fence, and I'm not sure how much
leverage they have on the Armenian side of the fence,' says Aliriza.
`Secondly, the Russian-Turkish relationship, which is so important to
Moscow and to Ankara for so many reasons, is not going to be a function
of the Turkish-Armenian relationship from Moscow's point of view."
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
House Panel Blocks Sharp Cut In U.S. Aid To Armenia`
By Emil Danielyan
A key subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives rejected late
Wednesday an almost 60 percent cut in regular U.S. economic assistance
to Armenia which is sought by the administration of President George W.
Bush.
The administration's draft foreign assistance budget for the fiscal year
2009 submitted to Congress in February would cut funding to Armenia to
$24 million from this year's level of $58 million.
In what has been a pattern, the House Foreign Operations Subcommittee
raised the proposed allocation to $52 million at the urging of leading
pro-Armenian lawmakers. It also approved $8 million in separate direct
aid to Nagorno-Karabakh and voted to maintain parity in U.S. military
assistance to Armenia and Azerbaijan. The armed forces of the two
warring nations would each continue to receive $3 million worth of aid.
Joe Knollenberg, a Michigan Republican co-chairing the congressional
Armenian Caucus, demanded that U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan be cut
altogether because of its continuing threats to resolve the Karabakh
conflict by force. The motion was narrowly voted down by the
subcommittee.
The two leading Armenian-American lobby groups in Washington commended
Knollenberg for nearly succeeding in pushing the measure through the
panel. "We are confident that Members will be looking at additional
steps to address Azerbaijan's war mongering," Bryan Ardouny, executive
director of the Armenian Assembly of America, said in a statement.
The aid allocations need to be approved by the full House Appropriations
Committee before they can be considered by the full chamber. A
corresponding committee of the U.S. Senate was scheduled to debate the
Senate version of the foreign aid bill late Thursday.
The volume of U.S. aid to Armenia, which has totaled about $2 billion,
has slowly but steadily declined since the 1990s when it averaged over
$100 million per annum. U.S. officials have attributed the drop to an
overall reduction of its foreign aid budgets and Armenia's economic
growth. They have also pointed to the Bush administration's decision in
2005 to provide the country with $236 million in additional assistance
under the Millennium Challenge Account program.
House Panel Blocks Sharp Cut In U.S. Aid To Armenia`
By Emil Danielyan
A key subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives rejected late
Wednesday an almost 60 percent cut in regular U.S. economic assistance
to Armenia which is sought by the administration of President George W.
Bush.
The administration's draft foreign assistance budget for the fiscal year
2009 submitted to Congress in February would cut funding to Armenia to
$24 million from this year's level of $58 million.
In what has been a pattern, the House Foreign Operations Subcommittee
raised the proposed allocation to $52 million at the urging of leading
pro-Armenian lawmakers. It also approved $8 million in separate direct
aid to Nagorno-Karabakh and voted to maintain parity in U.S. military
assistance to Armenia and Azerbaijan. The armed forces of the two
warring nations would each continue to receive $3 million worth of aid.
Joe Knollenberg, a Michigan Republican co-chairing the congressional
Armenian Caucus, demanded that U.S. military aid to Azerbaijan be cut
altogether because of its continuing threats to resolve the Karabakh
conflict by force. The motion was narrowly voted down by the
subcommittee.
The two leading Armenian-American lobby groups in Washington commended
Knollenberg for nearly succeeding in pushing the measure through the
panel. "We are confident that Members will be looking at additional
steps to address Azerbaijan's war mongering," Bryan Ardouny, executive
director of the Armenian Assembly of America, said in a statement.
The aid allocations need to be approved by the full House Appropriations
Committee before they can be considered by the full chamber. A
corresponding committee of the U.S. Senate was scheduled to debate the
Senate version of the foreign aid bill late Thursday.
The volume of U.S. aid to Armenia, which has totaled about $2 billion,
has slowly but steadily declined since the 1990s when it averaged over
$100 million per annum. U.S. officials have attributed the drop to an
overall reduction of its foreign aid budgets and Armenia's economic
growth. They have also pointed to the Bush administration's decision in
2005 to provide the country with $236 million in additional assistance
under the Millennium Challenge Account program.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
FM OF ARMENIA DRAWS ATTENTION OF OSCE MG US CO-CHAIR
FM OF ARMENIA DRAWS ATTENTION OF OSCE MG US CO-CHAIR
TO ABSENCE OF PROPER RESPONSE TO MILITARY RHETORIC OF AZERBAIJAN
ArmInfo
2008-07-17 13:21:00
Foreign Minister of Armenia Edward Nalbandyan met OSCE Minsk Group
Co-chair Matthew Bryza in Washington and outlined the military rhetoric
of Azerbaijan that receives no proper response of the international
community.
The Armenian Foreign Ministry press-service reports E. Nalbandyan said
that Azerbaijan's statement against Armenia containing open territorial
claims and militarist propaganda does no get proper assessment by the
international community which makes formation of mutual confidence in
the negotiations for settlement of Karabakh conflict quite difficult.
The source reports that the parties discussed details of the
negotiation process and the results of the recent visit of OSCE
Minsk Group Co-chairs to the region. Moreover, the sides discussed
the possibility of organizing a meeting of Armenian and Azerbaijani
foreign ministers.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
ArmInfo
2008-07-17 13:21:00
Foreign Minister of Armenia Edward Nalbandyan met OSCE Minsk Group
Co-chair Matthew Bryza in Washington and outlined the military rhetoric
of Azerbaijan that receives no proper response of the international
community.
The Armenian Foreign Ministry press-service reports E. Nalbandyan said
that Azerbaijan's statement against Armenia containing open territorial
claims and militarist propaganda does no get proper assessment by the
international community which makes formation of mutual confidence in
the negotiations for settlement of Karabakh conflict quite difficult.
The source reports that the parties discussed details of the
negotiation process and the results of the recent visit of OSCE
Minsk Group Co-chairs to the region. Moreover, the sides discussed
the possibility of organizing a meeting of Armenian and Azerbaijani
foreign ministers.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Armenian News
 |  |
Secret Talks with Yerevan | |
| Source:ISRO | |
| It was revealed that Turkey and Armenia held a series of secret and historic meetings in Switzerland on July 8. A high-level official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs headed the Turkish delegation during the talks which led to a positive atmosphere between the two countries. The meeting came after Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan's proposal for "a fresh start" with the goal of normalizing relations with Turkey and opening the border. Sargsyan also invited Turkish President Abdullah Gul to watch the football game between two country's national teams on September 6 to mark "a new symbolic start in the two countries' relations." According to Turkish officials from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the invitation has been evaluated. Even though a visit to Armenia occurs, it would not be an official one. Turkey is among the first countries that recognized Armenia when it declared its independency. However, there is no diplomatic relations between two countries, as Armenia presses the international community to admit the so-called "genocide" claims instead of accepting Turkey's call to investigate the allegations, and its invasion of 20 percent of Azerbaijani territory despite the U.N. Security Council resolutions on the issue. July 18, 2008 Emrah Altınkaya | |
First Milestone: Serzh Sargsyan crosses significant testing period but faces upcoming challenging.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~By Aris Ghazinyan
ArmeniaNow reporter
Published: 18 July, 2008
This week marked 100 days in office for President Serzh Sargsyan – a short term even against the background of the young history of the independent Armenian state, which so far has seen 6,145 days. If we put this period on the face of a clock, then the Sargsyan presidency would take only about 23 minutes of the whole time. But what a difficult, controversial and emotionally saturated period this has been.
The drama of each of the third Armenian president’s conventional minutes in power has been conditioned by what was accumulated by his two predecessors over the previous 23 hours and 37 minutes.
At its dawn the new Armenian statehood faced mammoth tasks, such as the need to overcome the consequences of a devastating earthquake, a half-ruined economic infrastructure, hundreds of thousands of people without shelter, including both earthquake survivors and refugees from neighboring Azerbaijan, the blockade of land communications (which still continues today) and a war unleashed by Azerbaijan, the most severe energy crisis…
The process could not but be painful and obviously the formation of a new political and economic elite could not but have an effect on the consciousness of the generations that had to live through those difficult times of national history. Some irreversibly succumbed to marginalization, others tried to serve the new authorities, still others tried to stick to their principles with an unavoidable feeling of being all but a missionary. But there were still many who chose to pack their things and buy a one-way air ticket…
Another circumstance that contributed to the splintering of national immunity and formation of a motley social mosaic was elections. For the 17 years of independent Armenian statehood the country has seen more than a dozen electoral events accompanied by a merciless exploitation of administrative, military, financial, clan, demagogic and demographic resources. As a result, big contradictions were conceived in a small republic. And it is these contradictions that from time to time make themselves felt with shooting – such as in the streets of Yerevan in the early 1990s, or during the 1996 presidential election, the parliamentary shootout in 1999 or the latest skirmishes in March 2008.
A certain part of the Armenian population is inclined to consider the latest shooting in Yerevan as the start of Sargsyan’s presidential term. An equally sizable part thinks the opposite, criticizing the authorities for a delay in taking drastic action. One way or another, the incredibly difficult starting position of the third president conditioned his aspiration to please all: those who do not recognize his legitimacy, those who do not contend his presidency, and those who stand by and watch the process. Meanwhile, such an aspiration appears to shake his positions even more.
Sargsyan’s first 100 days as president show that he is experiencing an acute need for legitimization of his position on a scale incomparably larger than the mere fact of his win in the presidential election. He appears to be well aware of the dangers that a further split in society contains. And this awareness is likely to be manifested in the conduct of the incumbent prime minister. Never before has the Armenian government been so transparent and ready for concessions.
The short period of the Sargsyan presidency also shows that apart from opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosyan, Azerbaijan and Turkey he has no foes in the world today. Though, he is ready to engage in a dialogue in Yerevan even with the head of official Ankara…
Such a soft position of Sargsyan may cost him the presidential post. Ter-Petrosyan’s intentions to commit a coup d’etat are beyond doubt, as it is beyond doubt that the current president lacks a recipe of how to counter it in a “civilized way.”
It was this excessively soft policy of Sargsyan that drew a reaction from second president Robert Kocharyan recently. In an interview with Mediamax news agency, Kocharyan, not quite accidentally, said that if he were in power, “Ter-Petrosyan would most probably be in prison now for his criminal activities. Thereby, by the way, I would redress my 1998 mistake. And for sure, the president of Turkey would not be invited to a football match in Yerevan.”
“100 Days” is a political tradition that takes it roots perhaps in the events of 1815 when Napoleon I ingloriously ended his second 100-day rule as Emperor of France (March 20-June 22, 1815) after escaping from an island exile. It is believed that if a leader manages to overcome this short but important period successfully, it opens up prospects of his stable leadership in the future. Yet, it is still early to say this about the third president of Armenia as the second “100-day” span may see new public and political upheavals under the banner of Ter-Petrosyan, himself a former leader who wouldn’t mind a second coming as Bonaparte did once only to be called “an usurper”.
The drama of each of the third Armenian president’s conventional minutes in power has been conditioned by what was accumulated by his two predecessors over the previous 23 hours and 37 minutes.
At its dawn the new Armenian statehood faced mammoth tasks, such as the need to overcome the consequences of a devastating earthquake, a half-ruined economic infrastructure, hundreds of thousands of people without shelter, including both earthquake survivors and refugees from neighboring Azerbaijan, the blockade of land communications (which still continues today) and a war unleashed by Azerbaijan, the most severe energy crisis…
The process could not but be painful and obviously the formation of a new political and economic elite could not but have an effect on the consciousness of the generations that had to live through those difficult times of national history. Some irreversibly succumbed to marginalization, others tried to serve the new authorities, still others tried to stick to their principles with an unavoidable feeling of being all but a missionary. But there were still many who chose to pack their things and buy a one-way air ticket…
Another circumstance that contributed to the splintering of national immunity and formation of a motley social mosaic was elections. For the 17 years of independent Armenian statehood the country has seen more than a dozen electoral events accompanied by a merciless exploitation of administrative, military, financial, clan, demagogic and demographic resources. As a result, big contradictions were conceived in a small republic. And it is these contradictions that from time to time make themselves felt with shooting – such as in the streets of Yerevan in the early 1990s, or during the 1996 presidential election, the parliamentary shootout in 1999 or the latest skirmishes in March 2008.
A certain part of the Armenian population is inclined to consider the latest shooting in Yerevan as the start of Sargsyan’s presidential term. An equally sizable part thinks the opposite, criticizing the authorities for a delay in taking drastic action. One way or another, the incredibly difficult starting position of the third president conditioned his aspiration to please all: those who do not recognize his legitimacy, those who do not contend his presidency, and those who stand by and watch the process. Meanwhile, such an aspiration appears to shake his positions even more.
Sargsyan’s first 100 days as president show that he is experiencing an acute need for legitimization of his position on a scale incomparably larger than the mere fact of his win in the presidential election. He appears to be well aware of the dangers that a further split in society contains. And this awareness is likely to be manifested in the conduct of the incumbent prime minister. Never before has the Armenian government been so transparent and ready for concessions.
The short period of the Sargsyan presidency also shows that apart from opposition leader Levon Ter-Petrosyan, Azerbaijan and Turkey he has no foes in the world today. Though, he is ready to engage in a dialogue in Yerevan even with the head of official Ankara…
Such a soft position of Sargsyan may cost him the presidential post. Ter-Petrosyan’s intentions to commit a coup d’etat are beyond doubt, as it is beyond doubt that the current president lacks a recipe of how to counter it in a “civilized way.”
It was this excessively soft policy of Sargsyan that drew a reaction from second president Robert Kocharyan recently. In an interview with Mediamax news agency, Kocharyan, not quite accidentally, said that if he were in power, “Ter-Petrosyan would most probably be in prison now for his criminal activities. Thereby, by the way, I would redress my 1998 mistake. And for sure, the president of Turkey would not be invited to a football match in Yerevan.”
“100 Days” is a political tradition that takes it roots perhaps in the events of 1815 when Napoleon I ingloriously ended his second 100-day rule as Emperor of France (March 20-June 22, 1815) after escaping from an island exile. It is believed that if a leader manages to overcome this short but important period successfully, it opens up prospects of his stable leadership in the future. Yet, it is still early to say this about the third president of Armenia as the second “100-day” span may see new public and political upheavals under the banner of Ter-Petrosyan, himself a former leader who wouldn’t mind a second coming as Bonaparte did once only to be called “an usurper”.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Policing Police: Crackdown on cop corruption gets mixed reviews
By Gayane Abrahamyan
ArmeniaNow reporter
Published: 18 July, 2008
Speeches by Prime Minister Tigran Sargsyan that “the number one enemy of Armenia is neither the problem of democracy, nor the lack of freedom of expression, but corruption” bring their practical results moving from inside the building of the government house to the streets.
The traffic police officers that symbolized corruption since the Soviet times, are doomed to work honestly, despite many qualify this as a ‘temporary action’. Even so, the law abiding drivers won’t be forced to keep a 5,000 dram ($16) bill in their driver’s license at least for that period of time.
A month ago the new President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan stated at a meeting with the police representatives a demand “to eradicate impertinence and misbehavior on the roads.”
However, it was the fact of not punishing the privileged drivers rather than the corruption that appeared within the focus of the President’s attention.
“Two months ago I got a question on what I am going to do in regard to children of officials and those people considering themselves as privileged, who violate traffic rules. I answered: ‘I will do and you will see,’” said the President recalling a case known to almost every driver. “A column of expensive cars with so-called ‘good license plates’ [the plates are called ‘good’, when numbers and letters on them repeat] passes by a traffic officer and the officer finds no better solution but to turn away and pretend not seeing. Even more, he finds a poor driver and tries to fine to create an illusion of working. This is unacceptable.”
Margar Ohanyan, head of traffic police says the President’s statement was very much a necessity, because it was an order addressed to both the police and the officials in particular.
“Although the police used to close eyes on a violation made by a son of an official, now they can’t do that,” says Ohanyan.
Ohanyan points to the figures showing how brave has the police become; there are 22,310 registered cases of violations for the last month, which exceeds the average statistics of the previous months for 8,000.
“All this shows the violations not registered before do not escape the look of the police now,” says Ohanyan.
In addition, two police have been fired for corruption.
Salaries of policemen have been raised to about $600-660 a month, in an effort to discourage extortion.
Hmayak Hovhannisyan, chairman of the Political Scientists’ Union of Armenia qualifies the vigor in fighting corruption a ‘political action’.
“These shows are aimed at drawing the public attention away from the core issues and the most urgent problems. But the public understands it very well,” says Hovhannisyan, a former member of parliament.
However, “Achilles” non-governmental organization engaged in the protection of the drivers’ rights has registered a tendency of decrease in the number of corruption cases in the sphere.
“About 70 percent of calls received on our hotline referred to corruption cases and ungrounded money extortions some 6 months ago; today their number is less than 10 percent,” says the chairman of the organization Eduard Hovhannisyan.
Drivers’ opinions are controversial about the road reforms. Some are glad “the law is for all”, others insist the intensifications burden the pocket books of average citizens all the same.
“The fines have grown dramatically, but those 20,000 drams ($60) are not a big deal for the rich people, so we will be those to suffer the consequences. Besides, it is simply impossible to avoid violations on the jammed streets and they know it very well themselves,” says Misak Margaryan, a taxi driver.
Another taxi driver shared the concerns of the big fines saying, paradoxically, bribes are a salvation in many cases.
“One could give the policeman some 20,000 drams ($60) and be done, if they recorded a violation and handed you a check in 100,000 drams ($330) before; but now it has become impossible and those 100,000 drams rise to 300,000 ($990) in case the fine is not paid within a one month period. How can I pay it if I earn 5,000 drams a day?” the taxi driver says annoyed showing the checks for, as he says, the ‘minor’ violations of the last month that make 50,000 drams ($165) in total.
Hovhannisyan also complains of the fines underlining the necessity to revise them [the amounts] or else, he says, half of the republic will face a court.
The fines range from 3,000 to 300,000 drams (about $10 to $1,000). Everything would be OK if no new toughening of the rules was introduced within the last year. According to the new rules the sum of the fine triples in case of not paying within a month and makes 5 times more in case of not paying it in 2 months.
“This rule is for serfs not citizens. There is no such dramatic increase in any other country. This also contradicts the provisions of our Civil Code that set increases in percents, say 50, but not 300 or 500 percent,” says Hovhannisyan.
The drivers’ rights activist has sent suggestions for amendments in the law to the National Assembly, but expects response no sooner than the end of the year.
Meanwhile, the citizens who have accepted the challenge of driving in the streets of Yerevan will content themselves with a unique opportunity to communicate with honest police officers.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The traffic police officers that symbolized corruption since the Soviet times, are doomed to work honestly, despite many qualify this as a ‘temporary action’. Even so, the law abiding drivers won’t be forced to keep a 5,000 dram ($16) bill in their driver’s license at least for that period of time.
A month ago the new President of Armenia Serzh Sargsyan stated at a meeting with the police representatives a demand “to eradicate impertinence and misbehavior on the roads.”
However, it was the fact of not punishing the privileged drivers rather than the corruption that appeared within the focus of the President’s attention.
“Two months ago I got a question on what I am going to do in regard to children of officials and those people considering themselves as privileged, who violate traffic rules. I answered: ‘I will do and you will see,’” said the President recalling a case known to almost every driver. “A column of expensive cars with so-called ‘good license plates’ [the plates are called ‘good’, when numbers and letters on them repeat] passes by a traffic officer and the officer finds no better solution but to turn away and pretend not seeing. Even more, he finds a poor driver and tries to fine to create an illusion of working. This is unacceptable.”
Margar Ohanyan, head of traffic police says the President’s statement was very much a necessity, because it was an order addressed to both the police and the officials in particular.
“Although the police used to close eyes on a violation made by a son of an official, now they can’t do that,” says Ohanyan.
Ohanyan points to the figures showing how brave has the police become; there are 22,310 registered cases of violations for the last month, which exceeds the average statistics of the previous months for 8,000.
“All this shows the violations not registered before do not escape the look of the police now,” says Ohanyan.
In addition, two police have been fired for corruption.
Salaries of policemen have been raised to about $600-660 a month, in an effort to discourage extortion.
Hmayak Hovhannisyan, chairman of the Political Scientists’ Union of Armenia qualifies the vigor in fighting corruption a ‘political action’.
“These shows are aimed at drawing the public attention away from the core issues and the most urgent problems. But the public understands it very well,” says Hovhannisyan, a former member of parliament.
However, “Achilles” non-governmental organization engaged in the protection of the drivers’ rights has registered a tendency of decrease in the number of corruption cases in the sphere.
“About 70 percent of calls received on our hotline referred to corruption cases and ungrounded money extortions some 6 months ago; today their number is less than 10 percent,” says the chairman of the organization Eduard Hovhannisyan.
Drivers’ opinions are controversial about the road reforms. Some are glad “the law is for all”, others insist the intensifications burden the pocket books of average citizens all the same.
“The fines have grown dramatically, but those 20,000 drams ($60) are not a big deal for the rich people, so we will be those to suffer the consequences. Besides, it is simply impossible to avoid violations on the jammed streets and they know it very well themselves,” says Misak Margaryan, a taxi driver.
Another taxi driver shared the concerns of the big fines saying, paradoxically, bribes are a salvation in many cases.
“One could give the policeman some 20,000 drams ($60) and be done, if they recorded a violation and handed you a check in 100,000 drams ($330) before; but now it has become impossible and those 100,000 drams rise to 300,000 ($990) in case the fine is not paid within a one month period. How can I pay it if I earn 5,000 drams a day?” the taxi driver says annoyed showing the checks for, as he says, the ‘minor’ violations of the last month that make 50,000 drams ($165) in total.
Hovhannisyan also complains of the fines underlining the necessity to revise them [the amounts] or else, he says, half of the republic will face a court.
The fines range from 3,000 to 300,000 drams (about $10 to $1,000). Everything would be OK if no new toughening of the rules was introduced within the last year. According to the new rules the sum of the fine triples in case of not paying within a month and makes 5 times more in case of not paying it in 2 months.
“This rule is for serfs not citizens. There is no such dramatic increase in any other country. This also contradicts the provisions of our Civil Code that set increases in percents, say 50, but not 300 or 500 percent,” says Hovhannisyan.
The drivers’ rights activist has sent suggestions for amendments in the law to the National Assembly, but expects response no sooner than the end of the year.
Meanwhile, the citizens who have accepted the challenge of driving in the streets of Yerevan will content themselves with a unique opportunity to communicate with honest police officers.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
Liberated but Not Rebuilt: Shushi needs $millions to reclaim national glory
By Aris Ghazinyan
ArmeniaNow reporter
Published: 18 July, 2008
While the Armenian idea is hidden across Ararat in the west, it is 400 kilometers to the east of the biblical mountain where the sun of the nation’s prospects rises.
The extinguished volcano cannot be seen from Shushi, in Nagorno-Karabakh, but still it is this town that is undoubtedly the main indicator of the Armenian idea today.
The white pointed dome of the Saint Ghazanchetsots church pierces the azure of the Karabakh sky and beckons Armenians who seek communion. All roads in Shushi since recent times have led to the cathedral. And a Sunday liturgy with sanctification of bread and wine is an epicenter of the spread of life-asserting impulses of the symbol of Karabakh delivered from the 70-year Turkic yoke.
Here, a priest stands in the place where some 17-18 years ago Alazani shells were arranged to be used to bomb Stepanakert, Berdadzor and Karintak. Saint Ghazanchetsots, which was turned by Azeris into a weapon and ammunition depot, is a spiritual arsenal of the Armenian people today.
Varduhi Hakobjanyan sells candles in the church vestibule. She returned to her native Karabakh in the midst of the war: “For many years our family lived in Chechnya. My children were born in Grozny. The Azeri aggression made my husband return to Karabakh and join the volunteer groups. We went over to Martakert. It was there that Robert died in one of the battles. At the moment of his death our son was 10 and daughter did not go to school yet. Today, they are adults…We will not leave Shushi. The memory of my husband obliges us to live in this liberated town.”
But do many think the same way today? While as of August 1, 1992 the population of Shushi was 4,500, then in 2004 (the latest count) it fluctuated between 3,100-3,200. Head of the Department for Refugee, Migration and Resettlement Affairs attached to the NKR Government Serzh Amirkhanyan says the town is capable of having about 10,000 residents, “however we alone cannot ensure that.”
The budget of Shushi, which until recently was $80,000, reflected the value of the Armenian dream. This dream was in fact worth a one-room apartment in downtown Yerevan. For 16 years the nation has not revealed its capability to build a town of the Armenian idea. Shushi today is begging alms before the eyes of the whole world community. The Armenian nation cannot collect $25-30 million needed for building a modern town with a population of 10,000. And the problem is not in money, of course, it is in the Idea that was really left across the mountain…
While the search for an ark is continuing on the slopes of Ararat, the Armenian nation needs to be building another ark, this time 400 kilometers to the east of the mountain.
Armine Nersisyan, lives and creates in her native town with great faith. The author of wonderful poems about peace, land, a weeping willow - a mourning mother who lost her son during the war, she has already gained recognition in the literary circles of Karabakh. The father of the girl, Aramayis, was an active participant of the defense of Karabakh, a second-category disabled. His wife Aregnazan warred along with him in the same detachment. “Shushi is the crown of Karabakh,” she says. “To live and bring up children here is a special mission. A person deprived of the sense of being part of something lofty and historical is unlikely to understand me. To be called a Shushi resident is a great honor. And it was for this right that the liberation of the town was undertaken in May 1992.”
Today’s Shushi is obviously the most contrast populated area of the Armenian land. The triumph of the national spirit roves here along poor streets and begs alms on the shield of the victor. In no other city or town of the Homeland has the spiritual immunity of the population soared so high as here, and not fallen so low materially…
The current state of Shushi is the most vulnerable point of Armenian diplomacy. Against the background of the general and evident economic growth in Karabakh, the improper appearance of Shushi, of course, asks for a political answer.
A question arises: Why hasn’t the town been built for 16 years? Wasn’t it because Shushi (along with Berdzor/Lachin) has always been mentioned as a separate point in the negotiating process?
Still four years ago, the then Prime Minister of the NKR Anushavan Danielyan stated: “The current generation of the Armenian people has a mission not only of liberating Shushi, but also rebuilding it. It is necessary to draw the whole national potential to this problem… Shushi should have about 7-10,000 residents and function first of all as a good resort. For this a sum of about $30-35 million is needed. With this capital made available, the work can be completed within 4-5 years.”
Four or five years later, there is no good resort yet. Though, it is this period during which Yerevan was turned into one big construction site and the number of buildings put into operation several times exceeded the modest scale of urban development needed for Shushi.
An Armenian government delegation was on a working visit to the NKR on July 4-5. A wide range of issues on cooperation between the NKR and Armenia were discussed in Stepanakert.
The “Shushi issue”, many here hope, will be paid more attention to after this visit.
~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
The extinguished volcano cannot be seen from Shushi, in Nagorno-Karabakh, but still it is this town that is undoubtedly the main indicator of the Armenian idea today.
The white pointed dome of the Saint Ghazanchetsots church pierces the azure of the Karabakh sky and beckons Armenians who seek communion. All roads in Shushi since recent times have led to the cathedral. And a Sunday liturgy with sanctification of bread and wine is an epicenter of the spread of life-asserting impulses of the symbol of Karabakh delivered from the 70-year Turkic yoke.
Here, a priest stands in the place where some 17-18 years ago Alazani shells were arranged to be used to bomb Stepanakert, Berdadzor and Karintak. Saint Ghazanchetsots, which was turned by Azeris into a weapon and ammunition depot, is a spiritual arsenal of the Armenian people today.
Varduhi Hakobjanyan sells candles in the church vestibule. She returned to her native Karabakh in the midst of the war: “For many years our family lived in Chechnya. My children were born in Grozny. The Azeri aggression made my husband return to Karabakh and join the volunteer groups. We went over to Martakert. It was there that Robert died in one of the battles. At the moment of his death our son was 10 and daughter did not go to school yet. Today, they are adults…We will not leave Shushi. The memory of my husband obliges us to live in this liberated town.”
But do many think the same way today? While as of August 1, 1992 the population of Shushi was 4,500, then in 2004 (the latest count) it fluctuated between 3,100-3,200. Head of the Department for Refugee, Migration and Resettlement Affairs attached to the NKR Government Serzh Amirkhanyan says the town is capable of having about 10,000 residents, “however we alone cannot ensure that.”
The budget of Shushi, which until recently was $80,000, reflected the value of the Armenian dream. This dream was in fact worth a one-room apartment in downtown Yerevan. For 16 years the nation has not revealed its capability to build a town of the Armenian idea. Shushi today is begging alms before the eyes of the whole world community. The Armenian nation cannot collect $25-30 million needed for building a modern town with a population of 10,000. And the problem is not in money, of course, it is in the Idea that was really left across the mountain…
While the search for an ark is continuing on the slopes of Ararat, the Armenian nation needs to be building another ark, this time 400 kilometers to the east of the mountain.
Armine Nersisyan, lives and creates in her native town with great faith. The author of wonderful poems about peace, land, a weeping willow - a mourning mother who lost her son during the war, she has already gained recognition in the literary circles of Karabakh. The father of the girl, Aramayis, was an active participant of the defense of Karabakh, a second-category disabled. His wife Aregnazan warred along with him in the same detachment. “Shushi is the crown of Karabakh,” she says. “To live and bring up children here is a special mission. A person deprived of the sense of being part of something lofty and historical is unlikely to understand me. To be called a Shushi resident is a great honor. And it was for this right that the liberation of the town was undertaken in May 1992.”
Today’s Shushi is obviously the most contrast populated area of the Armenian land. The triumph of the national spirit roves here along poor streets and begs alms on the shield of the victor. In no other city or town of the Homeland has the spiritual immunity of the population soared so high as here, and not fallen so low materially…
The current state of Shushi is the most vulnerable point of Armenian diplomacy. Against the background of the general and evident economic growth in Karabakh, the improper appearance of Shushi, of course, asks for a political answer.
A question arises: Why hasn’t the town been built for 16 years? Wasn’t it because Shushi (along with Berdzor/Lachin) has always been mentioned as a separate point in the negotiating process?
Still four years ago, the then Prime Minister of the NKR Anushavan Danielyan stated: “The current generation of the Armenian people has a mission not only of liberating Shushi, but also rebuilding it. It is necessary to draw the whole national potential to this problem… Shushi should have about 7-10,000 residents and function first of all as a good resort. For this a sum of about $30-35 million is needed. With this capital made available, the work can be completed within 4-5 years.”
Four or five years later, there is no good resort yet. Though, it is this period during which Yerevan was turned into one big construction site and the number of buildings put into operation several times exceeded the modest scale of urban development needed for Shushi.
An Armenian government delegation was on a working visit to the NKR on July 4-5. A wide range of issues on cooperation between the NKR and Armenia were discussed in Stepanakert.
The “Shushi issue”, many here hope, will be paid more attention to after this visit.
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Ouremn, Al Qaida-n Aylevs Barduevadz e?
COMPILED BY HAGOP MARDIROSSIAN
LOS ANGELES, U.S.A.
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